Thursday, September 24, 2015

PRIVILIGES UNDER THE CONSTITUTION OF INDIA:

PRIVILIGES UNDER THE CONSTITUTION OF INDIA:
Parliamentary Privileges (also absolute privilege) is a legal immunity enjoyed by members of certain legislatures, in which legislators are granted protection of civil or criminal liability for actions done or statements made related to one's duties as a legislature. It is common in countries whose constitutions are based on the Westminster system. A similar mechanism is known as parliamentary immunity.
Parliamentary privilege is controversial because of its potential for abuse; a member can use privilege to make damaging allegations that would ordinarily be discouraged by defamation laws, without first determining whether those allegations have a strong foundation.
The term parliamentary privileges are used in Constitutional writings to denote both these types of rights and immunities. Sir Thomas Erskine May has defined the expression Parliamentary privileges as follows: “The sum of the peculiar rights enjoyed by each house collectively is a constituent part of the High Court of Parliament, and by members of each house of parliament individually, without which they cannot discharge their functions, and which exceed those possessed by other bodies or individuals”[1].
The term "parliamentary privilege" is essentially used to describe the law relating to the privileges or immunities of Parliament and includes its powers to punish for "contempt" or breach of privilege. The privileges, whether of Parliament itself as a collective body or of the individual members, are intended to enable them to carry out their constitutional functions of legislating, debate and enquiry effectively, independently and without interference or obstruction from any quarter. Since, India has these privileges enshrined in its Constitution, it would be appropriate to approach the topic with reference to the relevant constitutional provisions. The law on the subject in other countries is an important aid for understanding the limits and extent of the law of privileges.
Article 105 of the Constitution relating to the "Powers, privileges and immunities of Parliament and its members" and Article 194 relating to the State Legislatures and their members contain certain enumerated privileges and powers while leaving room for a large number of uncodified and unenumerated privileges to continue. Reference to certain other provisions like Articles 118, 121, 122, 208, 211 and 361-A, which also have a bearing on the subject, are made at the appropriate places[2].
According to Erskine May, "Parliamentary privilege is the sum of the peculiar rights enjoyed by each House collectively and by members of each House individually, without which they could not discharge their functions, and which exceed those possessed by other bodies or individuals[3]. Thus, privilege, though part of the law of the land, is to a certain extent an exemption from the general law. Certain rights and immunities such as freedom from arrest or freedom of speech belong primarily to individual Members of each House and exist because the House cannot perform its functions without unimpeded use of the services of its members. Other such rights and immunities such as the power to punish for contempt and the power to regulate its own constitution belong primarily to each House as a collective body, for the protection of its Members and the vindication of its own authority and dignity Fundamentally, however, it is only as a means to the effective discharge of the collective functions of the House that the individual privileges are enjoyed by Members.
When any of these rights and immunities is disregarded or attacked, the offence is called a breach of privilege and is punishable under the law of Parliament. Each House also claims the right to punish as contempt’s actions which, while not breaches of any specific privilege, obstruct or impede it in the performance of its functions, or are offences against its authority or dignity, such as disobedience to its legitimate commands or libels upon itself, its Members or its officers.[4]"

"Generally speaking, any act or omission which obstructs or impedes either House of Parliament in the performance of its functions, or which obstructs or impedes any Member or officer of such House in the discharge of his duty, or which has a tendency, directly or indirectly, to produce such results may be treated as a contempt even though there is no precedent of the offence.[5]"

In interpreting these privileges, therefore, regard must be had to the general principle that the privileges of Parliament are granted to members in order that "they may be able to perform their duties in Parliament without let or hindrance.[6]"  They apply to individual members "only in so far as they are necessary in order that the House may freely perform its functions. They do not discharge the member from the obligations to society which apply to him as much and perhaps more closely in that capacity, as they apply to other subjects."  Privileges of Parliament do not place a Member of Parliament on a footing different from that of an ordinary citizen in the matter of the application of laws, unless there are good and sufficient reasons in the interest of Parliament itself to do so.
The Constitution specifies some of the privileges. They are freedom of speech in Parliament[7]; immunity to a member from any proceedings in any court in respect of anything said or any vote given by him in Parliament or any committee thereof[8]; immunity to a person from proceedings in any court in respect of the publication by or under the authority of either House of Parliament of any report, paper, votes or proceedings[9]. Courts are prohibited from inquiring into the validity of any proceedings in Parliament on the ground of an alleged irregularity of procedure[10]. No officer or Member of Parliament empowered to regulate procedure or conduct of business or to maintain order in Parliament can be subject to a court's jurisdiction in respect of exercise by him of those powers[11]. No person can be liable to any civil or criminal proceedings in any court for publication in a newspaper of a substantially true report of proceedings of either House of Parliament unless the publication is proved to have been made with malice. This immunity is also available for reports or matters broadcast by means of wireless telegraphy[12]. This immunity, however, is not available to publication of proceedings of a secret sitting of the House[13].
In other respects, the powers, privileges and immunities of each House of Parliament and of the members and committees thereof shall be such as may from time to time be defined by Parliament by law and until so defined, shall be those of that House, its members and committees immediately before the coming into force of section 15 of the Constitution (Forty-fourth Amendment) Act, 1978[14]
The framers of the Constitution had provided for the same powers and privileges for members, etc. as were possessed and enjoyed by the House of Commons at the commencement of the Constitution. The reference to the House of Commons in clause (3) of article 105 was omitted by the Constitution (Forty-fourth Amendment) Act, 1978. Since, however, no law defining the privileges has been made by Parliament so far, in actual practice; the position in this regard remains the same as it existed at the commencement of the Constitution.
Apart from the privileges specified in the Constitution, the Code of Civil Procedure, 1908, provides for freedom from arrest and detention of members under civil process during the continuance of the meeting of the House or of a committee thereof and forty days before its commencement and forty days after its conclusion[15].

The House has a right to receive immediate information of the arrest, detention, conviction, imprisonment and release of a member on a criminal charge or for a criminal offence[16].
Members or officers of the House cannot be compelled to give evidence or to produce documents in courts of law, relating to the proceedings of the House without the permission of the House. 
Members or officers of the House cannot be compelled to attend as witnesses before the other House or a House of a State Legislature or a committee thereof without the permission of the House and without the consent of the member whose attendance is required. 
In addition to the above mentioned privileges and immunities each House also enjoys certain consequential powers necessary for the protection of its privileges and immunities. These powers are: to commit persons, whether they are members or not, for breach of privilege or contempt of the House; to compel the attendance of witnesses and to send for persons, papers and records; to regulate its procedure and the conduct of its business; to prohibit the publication of its debates and proceedings[17] and to exclude strangers.
Parliamentary privilege is the sum of the peculiar rights enjoyed by each House collectively as a constituent part of Parliament and by members of each House individually, without which they could not discharge their functions, efficiently and effectively, and which exceed those possessed by other bodies or individuals. When any of these rights and immunities, both of the members, individually, and of the assembly in its collective capacity which are known by the general name of privileges, are disregarded or attacked by any individual or authority, the offence is called a breach of privilege, and is punishable under the law of Parliament.

Articles 105/194 of the Constitution deal with the powers, privileges and immunities of Members of Parliament/State Legislatures and their House, Members and Committees. Each House also claims the right to punish actions which, while not breaches of any specific privilege, are offences against its authority or dignity, such as disobedience to its legitimate commands or libels upon itself. its officers or its members. Such actions, though called "breaches of privilege" are more properly distinguished as "contempt’s".
The rules, conventions and practices relating to parliamentary privilege regulate the relationship between the three arms of government; the Executive, the Parliament and the courts.  Departments and agencies form part of the Executive arm of government and because of this parliamentary privilege is relevant to all of our working lives.
Parliamentary privilege developed to allow Parliament to proceed with the business of making legislation and reviewing the activities of the Executive without undue interference.

OBJECTIVES OF RESEARCH
The objectives keeping in mind which this research paper has been undertaken are as follows:

a.       To trace the origin of corruption in India;

b.      To determine the laws of protection followed in India;

c.       To study the various legal provisions relating to the same;

d.      To study the origin of Parliamentary Privileges in India;

e.       To determine the abuse of Parliamentary Privileges by the Members of Parliament;  

f.       To study the laws of various countries relating to the same; 

g.      To determine whether the any amendment should be made in Prevention of Corruption Act, 1988 so as to curtail the misuse of privileges.

h.      To give suggestions as to how the law relating to corruption in India can be improved.

 

HYPOTHESIS


“There is inadequacy of laws dealing with corruption within the Parliament in India”.


 Concept of Parliamentary privileges was inculcated by the drafters of the Constitution through the British Constitution. The objective was to immune members from the hindrances so that they can carry out their work. In recent times corruption scams and cases have shown that privileges are been used as shield to guard members from the corrupt practices which they carry out inside the Parliament. Neither Constitution nor the Prevention of Corruption Act, 1988 deals with this problem.   

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY AND SOURCES


The research methodology adopted for the present research paper shall be Doctrinal research (secondary). An in-depth analysis of comparative provisions relating to aviation sector around the world would be briefly discussed in order to distinguish/ comprehend the above mentioned countries situation vis-à-vis the Indian aviation sector.
While using doctrinal method of research, I shall be placing reliance on various books written by various jurists. At the same time, I shall also take into consideration various articles published on my research topic. Reference shall also been made to newspaper articles.






CHAPTERISATION SCHEME:

INTRODUCTION:
It talks about parliamentary privileges that are guaranteed to the Members of Parliament and also explains how corruption acts are breathing in the shield of the privileges laid down by the Constitution of India.  


1.      ANTI – CORRUPTION LAWS IN INDIA:
Chapter 1 explains the laws dealing with corruption in India. This chapter talks about emergence of corruption laws during the British Era and also talks about developments that were made during the early years of independent India. 

 
2.      STATUS QUO ON CORRUPTION:
Chapter 2 briefly explains the provisions of The Prevention of Corruption Act and also talks about the salient features of The Prevention of Corruption (Amendment) Bill, 2008. 


3.      PARLIAMENTARY PRIVILEGES IN INDIA:
Chapter 3 deals with objective of granting privileges to Members of Parliament and this chapter also explains various privileges which are granted to the Members of Parliament.


4.      ANALYSIS OF CORRUPTION CASES:
Chapter 4 discusses important cases which have been decided by the Hon’ble Supreme Court relating to the issue of misuse of privileges by the Members of Parliament. This Chapter also lays down light on the recent scams inside the Parliament.

5.      INTERNATIONAL PROSPECTIVE:
Chapter 5 explains the law of various countries and laws adopted by them to overcome the misuse of the Privileges by the Members of Parliament.   


SUGGESTION/ CONCLUTION: 
It talks about the problem which has cropped up and also lays down the solution to resolve the misuse of privileges. It also lays down the mush needed amendment in the Constitution and the prevention of Corruption Act, 1988.





[1] May, Thomas Erskine, “Parliamentary Practice “, 16th Edn., Chapter III, p.42.
[2] Joshi, K.C., “Parliamentary Privileges : A Sword or Shield”, Journal of Indian Law Institute, Vol 42, Apr – Dec, (2000), Pp. 58-68.
[3] Ibid.
[4] <http://rajyasabha.gov.in/rajya/19/94/i5/94I50A01.htm >, <last visited on 1st of Feb, 2009>.
[5] Ibid.
[6] Kaul & Shakdher,” Report of the Committee of Privileges in Captain Ramsay Case, House of Commons, 164”, para. 19, (1939-40), p. 193).

[7] Article 105 (1): Subject to the provisions of this Constitution and to the rules and standing orders regulating the procedure of the Parliament, there shall be freedom of speech in Parliament.
[8] Article 105 (2):No member of Parliament shall be liable to proceedings in any court in respect of anything said or any vote given by him in Parliament and or any committee thereof, and no person shall be so liable in respect of publication by or under the authority of either house of Parliament of any report, papers, votes or proceedings. 
[9] Ibid.
[10] Article 121: No discussion shall take place in Parliament with respect to the conduct of any Judge of Supreme Court or of a High Court in the discharge of his duty except on a motion for presenting an address to the President praying for the removal of the Judge as hereinafter provided.   
[11] Article 122 (2): No officer or the member of Parliament in whom power is vested by or under this Constitution for regulating procedure or the conduct of business, or for maintaining order, in Parliament shall be subject to the Jurisdiction of any Court in respect of the exercise by him of those powers.    
[12] Article 361: Protection of President and Governor and Rajpramukhs.
[13] Article 361 A (1), proviso: Provided that the conduct of the President may be brought under the preview by any Court, Tribunal or body appointed or designated by either House of Parliament for the investigation of the charge under Article 61. 
[14] Article 105 (3): in other respects, the power, privileges and immunities of each House, shall be such as from each House, shall be such as may from time to time be defined by the Parliament by the law, and. Until so defined, shall be those of that House and of its members and committees immediately coming into the force of section 15 of the Constitution (Forty-Fourth Amendment) Act, 1978.   
[15] Section 135 A, Civil Procedure Code, 1908.Exemption of members of Legislative bodies from arrest and detention under civil process.

[17] M S M Sharma v. Krishna Sinha, AIR 1959 SC 395. 

ANTI – CORRUPTION LAWS AND PARLIAMENTARY PRIVILEGES IN INDIA

 INTRODUCTION

"If we cannot make India corruption-free, then the vision of making the nation developed by 2020 would remain as a dream." - Dr. A.P.J.Abdul Kalam[1]

Corruption per say has no fixed definition. It may mean anything from subtle flattery to material or pecuniary inducements. But what is ordinarily meant by corruption is the securing of some kind of pecuniary or material advantage directly or indirectly for oneself or family, relatives or friends[2]. In its widest connotations, the term may include all improper and selfish exercise of power and influence attached to a public office or to the special position one occupies in public life[3].

The term corruption as defined in Bouvier’s Law Dictionary is “an act of doing with an intent to give some advantage inconsistent with official duty and the rights of others[4]. It includes bribery, but is more comprehensive; because an act may be corruptly done, though the advantage to be derived from it is not offered by another. It is something against the law, as a contract by which the borrower agreed to pay the lender usurious interest. It is said, in such case it was corruptly agreed to do[5].” 
Corruption is essentially termed as an "impairment of integrity, virtue or moral principle; depravity, decay, and/or an inducement to wrong by improper or unlawful means, a departure from the original or from what is pure or correct, and/or an agency or influence that corrupts."
Corruption, when applied as a technical term, is a general concept describing any organized, interdependent system in which part of the system is either not performing duties it was originally intended to, or performing them in an improper way, to the detriment of the system's original purpose.
CORRUPTION AS DEFINED BY JUDICIARY:

Corruption has by and large come to mean an act which is done dishonestly or fraudulently done with the wrong intent. Anything which is done against the law whether or not for personal gain is corruption. In Dr. S. Dutt v. State of U.P[6], court held that the word corrupt does not necessarily include an element of bribe taking; it implies something more, as denoting conduct which is morally unsound or debased.

CORRUPTION AS DEFINED IN THE ANCIENT TEXT:

Corruption is as old as humanity. Today corruption has become a global phenomenon in spite of all efforts being made by several countries to contain the same. We are passing through crises of value as the time honored system of a value based on the morals and ethical code of conduct has virtually collapsed[7].

In our country, the problem of corruption is not a product of modern India in the 20th century. We find in Kautilya’s Arthasasthra that corruption existed in India even as early as 2400 years ago. Kautilya likened all those in the Kings employment to fish swimming in the water as it is difficult to prove whether fish is drinking water or not. He emphasized the needs of keeping a strict watch on persons who run the administrations and suggested several ways and means to detect corruption in administration as well as in trade and commerce[8].

There is a Russian proverb saying, “when money speaks, the truth is silent”.  The proverb to a great extent, emphasizes the wide spread impact and menace of corruption. The legendary Kautilya has touched on the subject of corruption by saying, “just as it is impossible not to taste the honey or poison placed on the tip of tongue, it is rather impossible for the government servant not to eat up at least a bit of king’s revenue[9]”.  Corruption is a generic term for crimes or all the human misconduct intended to secure any undeserved, illegal or immoral pecuniary or other material advantage or gratification by any person to the detriment of another individual, society or the State.  Simply stated corruption is, popularly, utilizing the public means for private ends[10].
The most disquieting aspect of the widespread corruption in India is the fact that it is not anymore confined to politicians or the government machinery alone. It is prevalent amongst almost every section of the society at every level[11].

As the practice of corruption is a dishonest act, one has to think that most of the Indians are dishonest, which could be different only in degree between the individuals. As the reason for the dishonesty is greediness and the desire to get things done at any cost one can think that most of the country men are greedy and do not anymore think that the means should justify the ends. This is not a flattering statement. But, the fact is that most of the Indians are involved in corrupt practices in one way or the other, either due to greed or due to so called compulsion. In any case, the willingness to sacrifice for the sake of not getting involved in corrupt dealings is conspicuous by its absence amongst the most. Today if one would say that any particular Indian is honest to the core, it could only be a case of exception rather than a rule[12].

The study of world phenomenon on corruption has repeatedly branded India as one of the most corrupt countries in the world. Unfortunately, this view has not disturbed most of the Indians at all and they do not seem to care as to what others think of them; so long as the existing systems and practices would allow them to make money and get things done in one way or the other. Today India has slid to 85th position in transparency index in terms of global ranking of corruption[13].

Corruption is anti-national, anti economic development and anti poor[14]. Corruption in India is a phenomenon that one has to face practically at every level and every walk of life. It can be local rational department, police, municipal authority or educational institutions like schools and colleges. In the Industries regular bribes are collected by the public servant at the cutting edge of administration of the various departments of Central and State governments. In the past, the perception was that a citizen has to bribe a public servant if he wants to get a benefit which was illegal. But today we have reached a stage when even for getting the legitimate demand satisfied, the citizen have to bribe the public servant[15].

Corruption is one of the important evils of the society whereby every human being gets himself affected by such evil practice in one way or the other. Public life gets more polluted in the midst of which citizens have to face difficulties both socio, economic and otherwise. By the use of influence of corrupt means people with power get their work done at the cost of common man.

Corruption in a civilized society is a disease like cancer, which if not detected in time is sure to maligaise the policy polity of the country leading to disastrous consequences. If corruption is not controlled, it spreads like a fire in jungle. Corruption is opposed to democracy and social order, being not only anti- people, but aim and targeted against them. It affects the economy and destroys the cultural heritage. Unless nipped in the bud at the earliest, it is likely to cause turbulence shaking off the social-economic-political system in an otherwise healthy, wealthy, effective and vibrating society[16].    

The study of world phenomenon on corruption has repeatedly branded India as one of the most corrupt countries in the world. Unfortunately, this view has not disturbed most of the Indians at all and they do not seem to care as to what others think of them; so long as the existing systems and practices would allow them to make money and get things done in one way or the other.

The irony is that India is still considered to be a very religious country and it is still widely believed that the religion is the basis of Indian life, thoughts and actions. This is obviously true, considering the fact that there are hundreds of temples, churches and mosques spread all over the country and they are all densely visited day in and day out by the feverishly praying Indians.

Is not religious ethos contrary to corruption and dishonest practices? The unfortunate situation in India is that those who call themselves most religious are often found to have indulged themselves in dishonest practices on many occasions. Several of the religious centres, of all religions, are suspected to be steeped in nepotism, as such incidents have been repeatedly published in the press.

It does not shock Indians anymore to know that not only the politicians, ministers and IAS & IPS officers are corrupt but even the judges, professors, doctors and NGO organizations are.

Corruption is not only prevalent amongst rich who are greedy in spite of possessing enough but also prevalent amongst poor[17].
It was hoped that the easing of political and economic restrictions that characterized the 1990s after the end of the Cold War would have gone some way to reducing this phenomenon. Through increased openness resulting from political pluralism and the freedom of the press, the process of democratization should, under normal circumstances, mobilize efforts to overcome corruption. However, emergent democracies are still fragile and seem to find the task of tackling established self-interests a formidable one.
By reducing state intervention and therefore the opportunities for corruption, economic liberalization should, for its part, likewise improve matters. In the short term, however, the opposite would appear to be true. Weakened state structures, a lack of appropriate legislation, powerlessness on the part of the judicial system to combat corruption, the pursuit of easy money - mistakenly perceived by some as being equivalent to a market economy - all these factors together contribute to aggravating the phenomenon, at least in the transitional stages. Such a state of affairs cannot fail to have some effect on those who are involved in and concerned by development issues[18].
Needless to say, corruption and its effects can be seen from a multitude of viewpoints. There is always the ethical angle - but how can we possibly presume to preach to countries of the South and East when bribery is just as rife in the North and when, as far as corruption within international economic relations is concerned, it is in fact, virtually by definition, the North who is the corrupter and the South and East who are the corrupted? The only possible reply to such an argument - and one which is morally disputable even though economically valid - would be that the rich North can afford the luxury of wasting some of its wealth whereas in the case of developing countries, their sparse financial resources need to be used in the best way possible! Other lines of reasoning emphasise the distortions that corruption causes in the fair application of conditions of competition by penalising successful, yet honest, undertakings.
Effectively, we find ourselves in a 'catch-22' situation. Corruption is one of the causes of underdevelopment and poverty, yet poverty is in part responsible for its continuation. If a person cannot earn an honest living for himself and his family, then he is more or less forced into earning it by less honest means. Hence corruption is both the cause and the consequence of underdevelopment. In order to break the pattern we must therefore combat large-scale corruption inasmuch as it is a significant cause of underdevelopment and we must work gradually to eradicate the reasons for its propagation in society, and in particular to remedy the notorious lack of adequate income to ensure a decent standard of living[19].
In general terms, we can say that corruption also kills off the spirit of development. Nothing is more destructive to a society than the pursuit of 'a fast and easy buck' which makes honest people who work hard appear naive or foolish. That is why, in the context of economic reforms under the heading of 'structural adjustment', it is vital that the model advocated be one of a market economy based on a sound framework of legislation and on an efficient state. It should not allow free rein to the sort of ruthless capitalism which is aimed at immediate profit at all costs. The example of certain transition countries in the East, where a market economy has become synonymous with the law of the jungle, the Mafia and corruption, really should make us stop and think.
In the final analysis, an economy undermined by corruption has the effect of discouraging potential foreign investors and public donors. Yet if development is to succeed, countries have to be able to attract a flow of capital. As Serge Michailof put it: 'Success attracts money. Waste, failure and chaos drive it away'[20]. And although investors are very keen to do business, with the exception of a few opportunists, they all look for host countries that have a stable and predictable climate. Entrepreneurs have been known to withdraw from certain African countries - which are nevertheless rich in resources - because of the constraints imposed on them by corruption on a scale which they considered to be unacceptable. As for public donors, they are increasingly reluctant to offer financial aid to those countries that manage their own resources poorly. It is precisely this failing which is one of the causes of what we now refer to as 'aid fatigue'. Financial aid institutions should go as far as suspending their cooperation in blatant cases of corruption and bad management, just as they do in cases of serious violation of human rights. Conversely, 'good governance' should be the determining factor when allocating aid[21].
Corruption threatens people and their governments. It makes societies unfair. It is argued that bribery is a negotiated rent, as the beginning of all illegalities and tyranny. There is no more powerful engine of injustice and cruelty, for bribery destroys both faith and state. The serious consequence of corruption thus is not only State Capture but also Mind Capture. Rent-seeking behavior occupies the human mind and removes it from useful task.
Corruption is universal. It is present in developed and developing countries, in the bureaus of public or private sectors, and in nonprofit or charitable organizations. Shift from governance to management only changes its residence.
Consequences of rent seeking and rent giving can be seen on income distribution, consumption patterns (in each social stratification), and rise of an underground economy. Corruption plays a central role in politics thus state objectives. Rent seeking and rent giving are major obstacles in the process of planned change of economic layers. A promise of democracy remains undone. However it does allow selective change in economic-cycle of an individual, an individual household and a business.
Media's preoccupation with corruption is understandable because it is a highly marketable commodity since they understand the general public's fascination for seeing prominent personalities in embarrassing situations. The media may have brought this common human frailty into the limelight. However, it is equally possible that unknowingly they may have helped in spreading this meme. No study has been undertaken to assess the effect of media in spreading this meme or in helping to remedy.
Corruption is usually a kept secret and therefore the behavior of the corrupt agent near impossible to observe in real life. The character of rent-seeking has all the qualities one can ask for such as charm and acting talent to create a mirror image of the truth i.e., of an actor; book keeping i.e., of an accountant; to understand and manipulate rules and regulations and ability to protect, i.e. of a custodian.
Corruption makes distinction between "need driven" and "greed driven" necessity harder. Campaigns against corruption have not met with much success. It is a worrisome development. When the majority of people operate under such a system, individuals have no incentive to try to change it or to refrain from taking part in it.
Corruption is a type of strategic action in which two or more actors undertake an exchange relation by way of a successful transfer of money (material) or power (political or status) or promoting of gene (genetic), which sidesteps legality or morality or civility to regulate the relation. It is a strategic interaction or an art of nonviolent negotiation. As mentioned before, social action is strategic when it is aimed at the successful realization of personally defined goals.
With concentration of ill-gotten wealth in the hands of a few or the undesirable, there emerges a distorted consumption pattern. Many learn it by imitation thus produces this dynamic state of rent giving and rent seeking.
It underlies many other crimes. This social crime inflicts little visible wound on the victim-person. The entire mechanisms, under a corrupt system then are at stake, i.e. household, the neighborhood, group and the society, i.e. social coexistence. They say "honesty is likely to make a greater and more lasting impression on our children than political posturing and hysteria”. Though it remains a theoretical observation for most but one that is negotiable. Economic progress will remain incomplete and illusionary unless the theorists of economics address this crime[22].



[2] Chakrovarti,K.P.”,Prevention of Corruption in Public Service”,Vora Prakashan,Ch.1,(1981)p.1.
[3]Santhnam Committee, Report of the Committee on Prevention of Corruption (1962), p.5,as cited in “Prevention of Corruption in Public Service”,Vora Prakashan,Ch.1,(1981),p.1. 
[4]Bouvier’s Law Dictionary,3rd Revision,p.688.
[5] Ibid.
[6]AIR 1966 S.C. 523.
[7] Sen, Gautam, “India’s Hope against Hope”, Economic & Political Weekly, Vol. 36, No. 13, March, (2001), Pp 66-79.
[8] Ibid.
[9] <http://www.indiayogi.com/courses/sw/workshop4.asp>, < last visited on 24th of Jan, 2009>.
[10]< http://www.aapssindia.org/articles/vpII3/vpII3g.html>, <last visited on 8th Mar, 2009>,Gaikwad. Vijay, “COMBATING CORRUPTION ROLE OF PREVENTION OF CORRUPTION ACT, 1988”.
[11] Rustamji, “Age of Corruption”, Radical Humanist, Vol. 59, No. 11, Feb, (1996), Pp. 29-30.
[12] <http://www.pucl.org/Topics/Human-rights/2002/corruption.htm>, <last visited on 24th Jan, 2009>, Venkatraman, N.S., Where will corruption take India?
[13] The Times of India, 24th of Sep, 2008.
[14] Pranab, Bardhan., “Corruption & Development”, Journal of Economic Literature, Vol. 35, No. 3, September, (1997), Pp 1320-1346.
[15] Vittal.N, “Corruption in India: The Road block to National Prosperity”, Academic Foundation (2003). 
[16] State of Madhya Pradesh v. Shri Ram Singh, AIR 2000 SC 870.
[17]Supra No.12.
[18] Singh, Naunihal., “The World of Bribery & Corruption”, ed. 1, Mittal Publications, (1998).
[19] Blanco, Val, Del, Enrique, “Reflections on Some Social and Economics Causes of Corruption, CBI Bulletin, April, (1996) Pp. 41- 43.
[21] Article 5 of the revised Lomé IV Convention.
[22] <http://www.invisiblewound.com/chapter8.htm>, <last visited on 16thFeb, 2009>.