1. Fundamental Rights
Introduction: Fundamental rights are those rights which are regarded as
fundamental in every democratic system of government. They are so regarded
because they are vitally necessary for the attainment by the individual of his full
moral and spiritual stature. Without these rights, the individual’s moral and
spiritual life would remain stunted, and he would not be able to develop his
potentialities.
The constitution of India has embodied a number of Fundamental rights, which are
to act as limitations not only upon the powers of the legislature, but though the
model has been taken from the constitution of the United States, Indian
Constitution does not go so far, and rather effects a compromise between the
doctrine of Parliamentary Sovereignty and Judicial supremacy. On one hand, the
parliament of India cannot said to be sovereign in the English sense of legal
omnipotence, for the very fact that the parliament is created and limited by a
written constitution enables our parliament to legislate only subject to the
limitations and prohibition imposed by the constitution. If the distribution of
legislative powers etc., in case any of these limitations are transgressed, the
Supreme Court and the High Courts are competent to declare a law as
unconstitutional and void. So far as the contravention of fundamental rights is
concerned, the duty is especially enjoined upon the courts by the constitution, by
way of abundant caution. To this extent, our constitution follows the American
model rather than the English. But the powers of the judiciary vis-à-vis the
legislature are weaker in India than in the united states.
State u/Art 12
“The state” includes the government and parliament of India and the government
and the legislature of each of the states and all local or other authorities within the
territory of India or under the control of the government of India.
(i) Agency outside India – an instrumentality or agency of the state having
(ii) BCCI – BCCI is not financially, functionally or administratively
(iii) Cooperative Societies – The cooperative societies are not created by the
operations outside India must comply with labour legislation; Lena Khan
vs UOI: AIR 1987 SC 1515.
dominated by government not it is under control of government,
therefore not a state; Zee Telefilms ltd. vs UOI: AIR 2005 SC 2677.
Co-operative Societies Act, 1912 and they are not statutory bodies. They
are only functioning in accordance with the provisions of the act.
Moreover, the government has no shares in the cooperative societies.
There is no deep and pervasive state control. The management of the
societies does not vest in the government, or in the representatives of the
government bank. The management is, under the effective control of
committee elected by the members of the society. The statutory
(iv) Examples of authorities held to be state – The state bank of India as also
regulation or restriction in the functioning of the societies is not “an
imprint of the state u/Art. 12”. Hence no writ will lie against a
cooperative society governed by the Kerala Cooperative Societies Act; P.
Bhaskaranvs Additional Secretary, Agricultural (Co-operation)
Department, Trivandrum, AIR 1988 Ker 75.
the nationalized banks are ‘states’ within the meaning of Art. 12 of the
Constitution of India. The service of the workmen are also governed by
several standing orders and bipartite settlements which have the force of
law. The banks, therefore, cannot take recourse to ‘hire and fire’ for the
purpose of terminating the services of the employees; Bank of India vs
O.P. Swaranakar, AIR 2003 SC 858.
The children aid society should be treated as a state within the meaning
of Art. 12 as it is undoubtedly an instrumentality of state; SheelaBarsevs
Secretary, Children Aid Society: AIR 1987 SC 656.
This is inevitable consequence of “other authorities” being entities with
independent status distinct from the state and this fact alone does not
militate against such entities or institutions being agencies or
instrumentalities to come under the net of Art. 12 of the Constitution;
Mysore Paper Mills Ltd. vs Mysore Paper Mills officers Association:
(2002) 2 SCC 167.
The Rajasthan State Electricity Board is ‘state’ within the meaning of the
expression used in Art. 12 of the constitution so that it is amendable to
the writ jurisdiction u/Art.226 of the constitution; D.C.M. ltd. vs
Assistant Engineer (H.M.T. sub-division), Rajasthan State Electricity
Board, Kota, AIR 1988 Raj. 64.
There are tests formulated by several cases of the SC to find out whether
an institution is a ‘state’. There cannot indeed be a straight jacket
formula. It is not necessary that all the tests should be satisfied or
reaching the conclusion either for or against holding an institution to be
‘state’. In a given case, some of the features may emerge so boldly and
prominently that a second view may not be possible. There may yet be
other cases where the matter would be on the borderline and it would be
difficult to take one or other view outright; Tekrajvs UOI: AIR 1988 SC
469.
2. Other Authorities u/Art. 12
Judicial decisions have given a wide scope to the expression “other authorities” in
Article 12. The main theory evolved is that of “instrumentality or agency” of
government. This is a concept wider than a “department of the government”. It
embraces every public authority exercising statutory powers, every authority
created under statute and even a non-statutory authority exercising public
functions.
What is, and what is not a “state” has been the subject matter of rich case law
u/Art. 12. From the numerous decisions on the subject, a judgment of the Andhra
Pradesh HC has culled out certain propositions; (1987) 4 Reports 198(AP), decided
on 23rd January, 1987 (WP no. 3065/1978). The judgment says that the essential
tests to determine whether a particular institution is “other authority” within the
meaning of Article 12 are substantial financial aid, control by the government,
performance of public functions and entrustment of governmental activities. All of
these are not essential, and in a particular case, one or a combination of more than
one of them may suffice. In the leading case of Ajay Hasiavs Khalid Mujib, AIR
1981 SC 487, the regional engineering college was held to be a “state”.
P.N.Bhagwati, J. observed as under in that case:
“the constitutional philosophy of a democratic socialist
republic requires the government to undertake a multitude of
socio-economic operations and the government, having regard to
the practical advantages of functioning through the legal device
of a corporation embarks on myriad commercial and economic
activities by resorting to the instrumentality or agency of a
corporation, but this contrivance of carrying on such activities
through a corporation cannot exonerate the government from its
basic obligation to respect the fundamental rights and not to
override them. The mandate of a corporation may be adopted in
order to free the government from the inevitable constrains of red
tapism and slow motion but by doing so, the government cannot
be allowed to play truant with the basic human rights. Otherwise,
it would be the easiest thing for the government to assign to a
plurality of corporations almost every state business such as post
and telegraph, TV and radio, rail, road and telephones – in short
every economic activity – and thereby cheat the people of India
out of the fundamental rights guaranteed to them”
In the above judgment of the SC J. Bhagwati enunciated the following test for
determining whether an entity is an instrumentality or agency of the state:-
1. One thing is clear that if the entire share capital of the corporation is held by
the government, it would go a long way towards indicating that the
corporation is an instrumentality or agency or government.
2. Where the financial assistance of the state is so much as to meet almost
entire expenditure of the corporation, it would afford some indication of the
corporation being impregnated with governmental character,
3. It may also be a relevant factor whether the corporation enjoys monopoly
status which is the state conferred or state protected.
4. Existence of deep and pervasive state control may afford an indication that
the corporation is a state agency or instrumentality.
5. If the functions of the corporation of public importance and closely related
to governmental functions, it would be a relevant factor in classifying the
corporation as a instrumentality or agency of government.
6. Specifically, if a department of government is transferred to a corporation, it
would be a strong factor supportive of this interference of the corporation
being an instrumentality or agency of government.
The Delhi Transport Corporation is a “state” as decided in DTC vsMazdoor
Congress, AIR 1991 SC 101.
In Chanana Steel Tubes Pvt. Ltd. Vs H.P.S.I.D.C., AIR 2003 HP 36, it was held
that when ‘company’ is a wholly state government owned company incorporated
under the companies act, 1956, government has got pervasive control over this
company. Its managing director is appointed by the state government, as also other
officials are also appointed as directors. Thus, it is an “other authority’, within the
meaning of article 12.
Relevant case laws are :
(i) SomPrakashvs UOI: AIR 1981 SC 212
(ii) Tajinder Singh vs Bharat Petroleum Corp. Ltd.: (1986) 4 SCC 237
(iii) State of Punjab vs Raja Ram: (1981) 2 SCC 66
(iv) SukhdevvsBhagatram; AIR 1975 SC 1331
(v) K.S. Ramamurthy vs Chief commissioner, Pondicherry: AIR 1963 SC
1464
3. Reverse Discrimination
Reverse discrimination, also known as positive discrimination, is a
controversial specific form of discrimination against members of a dominant or
majority group, or in favor of members of a minority or historically
disadvantaged group. Groups may be defined in terms of race, gender, ethnicity,
or other factors. This discrimination may seek to redress social inequalities
where minority groups have been denied access to the same privileges of the
majority group. In such cases it is intended to remove discrimination that
minority groups may already face. "Reverse discrimination" may also be used
to highlight the discrimination inherent in affirmative action programs.
The law in some countries, such as the UK, draws a distinction between
Equality of Provision and Equality of Outcome, recognizing that identical
treatment may sometimes act to preserve inequality rather than eliminate it.
Opponents of this distinction may label it as an example of positive
discrimination.
Indian Law now provides a quota system whereby a percentage of posts are
reserved in employment in Government and in the public sector units, and in all
public and private educational institutions, except in the religious/ linguistic
minority educational institutions, in order to mitigate backwardness of the
socially and educationally backward communities and the Scheduled Castes and
Tribes who do not have adequate representation in these services and
institutions. The reservation policy is also extended to the Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes for representation in the Parliament of India. The central
government of India reserves 27% of higher education, and individual states
may legislate further reservations. Reservation cannot be exceeded 50%, as per
the rulings given by the supreme court, but certain Indian states like Rajasthan
have proposed a 68 % reservation which includes a 14% reservation for forward
castes.
Reservations are intended to increase the social diversity in campuses and
workplaces by lowering the entry criteria for certain identifiable groups that are
grossly under-represented in proportion to their numbers in the general
population. Caste is the most used criteria to identify under-represented groups.
However there are other identifiable criteria for under-representation—gender
(women are under represented), state of domicile (North Eastern States, as
Bihar and Uttar Pradesh are under-represented), rural people, etc. as revealed by
the Government of India sponsored National Family Health and National
Sample surveys.The underlying theory is that the under-representation of the
identifiable groups is a legacy of the Indian caste system. After India gained
independence, the Constitution of India listed some erstwhile groups as
Scheduled Castes (SC) and Scheduled Tribes (ST). The framers of the
Constitution believed that, due to the caste system, SCs and the STs were
historically oppressed and denied respect and equal opportunity in Indian
society and were thus under-represented in nation-building activities. The
Constitution laid down 15% and 7.5% of vacancies to government aided
educational institutes and for jobs in the government/public sector, as reserved
quota for the SC and ST candidates respectively for a period of five years, after
which the situation was to be reviewed. This period was routinely extended by
the succeeding governments.
Later, reservations were introduced for other sections as well. The Supreme
Court ruling that reservations cannot exceed 50% (which it judged would
violate equal access guaranteed by the Constitution) has put a cap on
reservations. However, there are state laws that exceed this 50% limit and these
are under litigation in the Supreme Court. For example, the caste-based
reservation fraction stands at 69% and is applicable to about 87% of the
population in the state of Tamil Nadu.
Court has put 50% cap on reservations in M.R. Balaji v Mysore: AIR 1963 SC
649. Almost all states except Tamil Nadu (69%, Under 9th schedule) and
Rajasthan (68% quota including 14% for forward castes, post gujjar violence
2008) has not exceeded 50% limit. Tamil Nadu exceeded limit in 1980. Andhra
Pradesh tried to exceed limit in 2005 which was again stalled by high court.
SC in Indira Sawhney&Ors v. Union of India.AIR 1993 SC 477, upheld
Implementation of separate reservation for other backward classes in central
government jobs.
In Unni Krishnan, J.P. &Ors. Vs. State of Andhra Pradesh &Ors.: 1993 (1)
SCC 645, it was held that right to establish educational institutions can neither
be a trade or business nor can it be a profession within the meaning of Article
19(1)(g). This was overruled in T.M.A. Pai Foundation v. State of Karnataka
(2002) 8 SCC 481, P.A.Inamdar v. State of Maharashtra 2005 AIR(SC)
3226,Supreme court ruled that reservations cannot be enforced on Private
Unaided educational institutions.
4. Right to Equality vis a vis Reservation Policy in India
Introduction:-In the American Declaration of Independence, it is said that “All
men are created equal, that they are endowed by their creator with certain
unalienable rights.” This notion of inalienable rights and their equal
distribution has emerged in the early 16th century in the works of the social
contractors- Hobbes Locke and Rousseau. John Locke said that the right to life,
liberty and property are natural rights which are enjoyed by everyone alike and
are not separable from the person. This gives us an idea that the right to equality
is more basic than natural law itself. Thus in its creation, the state is obliged to
provide for this right, not just legally but functionally.The preamble of India
constitution contains the phrase: “Equality- social political and economic”.
These are different types of equalities and the state has to ensure that its citizens
are provided with each and every one of these. Social equality is the most
common in pluralistic societies but no provision of law can be made in this
regard. So, it is done by means of the other two categories- political and
economic. Political inequality materializes from the said social inequality but as
politics is a government functionary, legislations are made to guarantee this
right. On the other hand economic inequality is a very practical phenomenon
and thus active steps can be taken to empower all people economically. This, in
retrospect, hampers social inequality because economic status is closely
connected with social status. Thus, the state has a burden to justify, through its
legislations and its implementation that equality is sought to be achieved and
only in doing so will it realize true equality.
Indian Law For Equality:-The constitution of India says, “The state shall not
deny to any person, equality before the law or the equal protection of the laws
within the territory of India.” this is the article 14 of our constitution which is
construed as one of the fundamental rights of the people living under it. The
provision is very clear. The phrase “equality before law” is an adaptation of a
postulate of the rule of law followed by the equity courts in England. It is the
quintessential principle to be set down before exercising any authority on a
group of people. Even when the British ruled over India, this was a prominent
legal provision. The glaring inequality that was followed under the British rule
is widely known. So equality as a concept is not debated upon but it is also very
complex and although every single country in the world which has a
constitution provides for this right, the implementation of this right varies.
Some stated follow formal equality as they have a more homogenous mixture of
population like the communist countries. Other states follow substantive
equality where there are already huge inequalities prevalent. The important
thing to note is that equality is a value that every government believes in but the
interpretations are varied and none of them have been proved wrong.
Reservation Policy In India:-In the case of India, the reservation policy has been
adopted for alleviating inequalities in the political and economic scenarios. This
is a method of achieving substantive equality. India has a pluralistic society and
the main forms of discrimination are caste and religion. India being a male
dominated society, sex is also an important basis for inequity. The constitution
swears to not discriminate on any of these grounds and hence we have a
reservation policy for the protection of the interests of all discriminated groups.
The problem arises in targeting this group and meeting the ends for which
reservation is created. In law, there are two principles that have to be complied
with before legislating it. First, there should be a rationale for creating the said
law and second, there should be nexus between the law and the goal sought to
be achieved. The rationale has been justified time and again by our legislators
and people have come to terms with the fact that there is no other way to
subdue discrimination than reservations. But is there a direct link between the
provisions of this policy and the ultimate goal of equality? The answer to this
question keeps changing from time to time and that is what we are trying to
analyze in this paper.
The minorities in India started getting recognized by law through the provision
of communal electorates. This was seen as one of the reasons for the partition of
India and Pakistan, but from the viewpoint of equality, this was one of the first
efforts to bring about political equality and avoid discrimination against
minority communities. The reservation policy in the basis of caste started when
the Simon Commission came to India with the rule of separate electorates and
reservations for depressed classes. But a concrete legislation was passed only
later on after independence when Dr. B.R. Ambedkar fought for the rights of
the SC’s, ST’S and OBC’s. During the constitutional assembly debates, he
supported the cause of backward castes time and again and believed that
reservation policy is the only way to eradicate these disparities. However, the
reservation policy was always a provisional one and not permanent. For years
now, the time limit has been increasing as the government did not feel that the
required amount of equality has been achieved in the social, economic or
political life of people.
The Rationale Of The Present Reservation System:-The question we need to ask
is if the present reservation system is a true reflection of the altruistic
persuasions of the legislators or that of their political interests and/or political
pressures. The truth is that inequality is prevalent everywhere in different
forms. The constitution only provides for or recognizes a part of them. For
example, disability is also grounds for discrimination. However, the limited
reservations made for them are never objected or extended. In public sector, 3%
is the reservation for disabled persons where as it is 27% for OBC’s when in
fact; the percentage of disabled people in India is more than the percentage of
OBC’s. Why is this so? Law is subject to the interpretation of the courts and the
dynamic nature of law finds its sanction in the opinion of the judiciary. But,
courts regularly deal with cases regarding reservations for SC/ST’s or OBC’s or
women, and not for the disabled. Does the meaning of equality change in every
context? To provide “equal opportunities” to the oppressed classes means, to
help them acquire their maximum potential- not to make things easier for them.
This is a lesson one should learn from the history of independent India.
The other issue under the system of reservations is that of the creamy layer. The
distance that we have travelled after enacting reservations has eliminated
certain disparities. Caste no longer can be the sole criterion for detecting
socially backward classes because some of them have achieved economic
status, thereby finding a social standing as well. Thus, in the Mandal
commission case, the court has observed that this particular strata of the society
which they termed as the “creamy layer” should be eliminated from such
reservation policies as it is hampering the goal of the provision. However, what
goes beyond my comprehension is that if a creamy layer exists despite being a
socially backward class, maybe the objective is achieved. The law has different
reasoning to support this policy from time to time but how would we identify
the situation where the “goal” is truly reached. Waiting for absolute equality is
not practical as it is only a utopist situation. Meanwhile resistance is offered by
the classes which are not socially backward, also for the reason of
discrimination. In such a situation what kind of help is the government
providing with the reservation scheme? This is the dilemma that is struck the
entire policy down.
Conclusion:-Majoritarianism is a common vice that persists in a democratic
society. As the government is chosen by the majority and every decision that is
taken depends upon the majority vote, the law tends to favour this majority. But
there are different ways of identifying this majority- educated people,
economically and socially powerful people, people of the forward caste,
Hindus, males, etc. some of these classes might overlap but the essence remains
the same. These are the people who make the law and whom the law favors.
However, in India, the constitution makers wanted to avoid this situation of
hierarchy and majority rule. A true democracy is established when all people
have the same ability to make the decisions regarding the government. For this
reason the reservation policy is adopted to bring this equality in thought and
goals. Reservations by themselves are not unfair, but they become so when the
ground for distinction loses its credibility. In case of India, that is what is
happening, because SC’s, ST’s and OBC’s are not purely classified as socially
backward and a line should be drawn somewhere. The violation of a principle
of equality reduces public confidence in the government. The loss of this
confidence prophecies anarchy and in a pluralistic democracy like ours, its very
important to maintain this fine balance between power and principle. Thus,
reservation maybe a means to achieve equality but if not administered properly,
it can also achieve inequality.
5. Reasonableness of Restrictions
Art. 19 of the constitution of India guarantees to the citizens of India the
following six fundamental freedoms:
(a) Freedom of Speech & Expression
(b) Freedom of Assembly
(c) Freedom to form Associations
(d) Freedom to Movement
(e) Freedom to reside & to Settle
(f) Freedom to Profession, Occupation, Trade & Business
The above freedoms are available only to citizens of India, and cannot be
claimed by a foreigner.
Freedom are not absolute – subject to reasonable restrictions :- These six
freedoms are however, not absolute. Absolute individual rights cannot be
guaranteed by any modern state. An organised society is the precondition of
civil liberties. There cannot be any right which is injurious to the community as
a whole. If people were given complete and absolute liberty without any social
control the result would be ruin. Liberty has got to be limited in order to be
effectively possessed. For liberty of one must not offend the liberty of others.
Justice Patanjalishastri in A.K. Gopalanvs State of madras, AIR 1951 SC
21observed, “man as a rational being desires to do many things, but in a civil
society his desires have to be controlled, regulated and reconciled with the
exercise of similar desires by other individuals.” The guarantee of each of the
above right is, therefore, restricted by the Constitution itself by conferring upon
the state a power to impose by law reasonable restrictions as may be necessary
in the larger interest of community. The restriction on these freedoms are
provided in clauses 2 to 6 of Art. 19 of the Constitution.
The restriction which may be imposed under any of the clauses must be
reasonable restriction. The restriction cannot be arbitrary. Hence a restriction to
be constitutionally valid it must satisfy the following two tests:-
(1) The restriction must be for the purposes mentioned in class 2 to 6 of Art. 19;
(2) The restriction must be reasonable restriction.
Test of ‘Reasonable Restriction’:- the restriction on the rights under Art. 19(1)
can only be imposed by a law’ and not executive or departmental
instructions.The phrase “reasonable restrictions” in Art. 19(6) means that the
restrictions imposed on a person in the enjoyment of his right should not be
arbitrary or of an excessive nature, beyond what is required in the interest of the
public. The SC has laid down the following guidelines for determining the
reasonableness of restrictions.
(1) It is the courts and not the legislature which has to judge finally whether a
restriction is reasonable or not.
(2) The term ‘reasonable restriction’ in Art. 19(6) connotes that the limitation
imposed on a person in the enjoyment of his right should not be arbitrary or
of an excessive nature, beyond what is actually required in the interest of the
public. The word ‘reasonable’ implies intelligent care and deliberation, that
is, the choice, of a course which reasonably dictate.
(3) There is no exact standard or general pattern of reasonableness that can be
laid down for all cases. Each case is to be judged on its own merits. The
standard varies with the nature of the right infringed, the underlying purpose
of the restrictions imposed, the extent and the urgency of the evil sought to
be remedied, the disproportion, of the imposition, the prevailing condition at
the time. These factors have to be taken into consideration for any judicial
verdict.
(4) The restriction must be reasonable from the substantive as well as procedural
standpoint. The court should consider not only the duration and extent of the
restriction but also the circumstances under which, and the manner in which
that imposition has been authorized.
(5) A restriction which is imposed for securing the objects and laid down in the
DPSP may be regarded as reasonable restriction.
(6) The court must determine the reasonableness of restriction by objective
standard and not by subjective one. In other words, the question is not if the
court feels the restriction to be reasonable but where a normal reasonable
man would regard the restriction to be reasonable.
(7) A restriction to be reasonable must have a rational relation with the object
which the legislature seeks to achieve and must not be in excess of that
object.
(8) It is the reasonableness of restriction which is to be determined by the court
and not the reasonableness of the law. The court has only to see whether the
restrictions imposed on citizens rights are reasonable.
(9) Restrictions may also amount to prohibition under certain circumstances.
Thus, a law depriving a citizen of his fundamental right may be regarded as
reasonable restrictions, if it prohibits him to carry out dangerous trades such
as that of trade in liquor or cultivation of narcotic plants or trafficking in
women.
Rights available to citizen only:- The rights guaranteed by Art. 19 are available
only to citizens and not to an alien or a foreigner. A foreigner is not a citizen of
India and therefore he cannot claim a right u/Art. 19.
Union of India vs Naveen Jindal: (2004)2 SCC 476, held that right to unfurl
the national flag freely with respect and dignity is a fundamental right of a
citizen within the meaning of Art. 19(1)(a) of the constitution, being an
expression and manifestation of his allegiance and feelings and sentiments of
pride for the nation. But the same is not an absolute right but a qualified one
subject to reasonable restrictions under clause (2) of Art. 19. The Emblems and
Names (prevention of Improper use) Act, 1950 and the prevention of insults to
National Honour Acr, 1971 regulate the use of the national flag.
6. Right to life and personal liberty
Introduction:-The Constitution of India provides Fundamental Rights under
Chapter III. These rights are guaranteed by the constitution. One of these rights
is provided under article 21 which reads as follows:-
Article 21. Protection Of Life And Personal Liberty: No person shall be
deprived of his life or personal liberty except according to procedure
established by law.
Though the phraseology of Article 21 starts with negative word but the word
No has been used in relation to the word deprived. The object of the
fundamental right under Article 21 is to prevent encroachment upon personal
liberty and deprivation of life except according to procedure established by law.
It clearly means that this fundamental right has been provided against state
only. If an act of private individual amounts to encroachment upon the personal
liberty ordeprivation of life of other person. Such violation would not fall under
the parameters set for the Article 21. in such a case the remedy for aggrieved
person would be either under Article 226 of the constitution or under general
law. But, where an act of private individual supported by the state infringes the
personal liberty or life of another person, the act will certainly come under the
ambit of Article 21. Article 21 of the Constitution deals with prevention of
encroachment upon personal liberty or deprivation of life of a person.
The state cannot be defined in a restricted sense. It includes Government
Departments, Legislature, Administration, Local Authorities exercising
statutory powers and so on so forth, but it does not include non-statutory or
private bodies having no statutory powers. For example: company, autonomous
body and others. Therefore, the fundamental right guaranteed under Article 21
relates only to the acts of State or acts under the authority of the State which are
not according to procedureestablished by law. The main object of Article 21 is
that before a person is deprived of his life or personal liberty by the State, the
procedure established by law must be strictly followed. Right to Life means the
right to lead meaningful, complete and dignified life. It does not have restricted
meaning. It is something more than surviving or animal existence. The meaning
of the word life cannot be narrowed down and it will be available not only to
every citizen of the country . As far as Personal Liberty is concerned, it means
freedom from physical restraint of the person by personal incarceration or
otherwise and it includes all the varieties of rights other than those provided
under Article 19 of the Constitution. Procedure established by Law means the
law enacted by the State. Deprived has also wide range of meaning under the
Constitution. These ingredients are the soul of this provision. The fundamental
right under Article 21 is one of the most important rights provided under the
Constitution which has been described as heart of fundamental rights by the
Apex Court.
The scope of Article 21 was a bit narrow till 50s as it was held by the Apex
Court in Gopalans case that the contents and subject matter of Article 21 and
19 (1) (d) are not identical and they proceed on total principles. In this case the
word deprivation was construed in a narrow sense and it was held that the
deprivation does not restrict upon the right to move freely which came under
Article 19 (1) (d). at that time Gopalans case was the leading case in respect of
Article 21 along with some other Articles of the Constitution, but post Gopalan
case the scenario in respect of scope of Article 21 has been expanded or
modified gradually through different decisions of the Apex Court and it was
held that interference with the freedom of a person at home or restriction
imposed on a person while in jail would require authority of law. Whether the
reasonableness of a penal law can be examined with reference to Article 19,
was the point in issue after Gopalan’s case in the case of Maneka Gandhi v.
Union of India , the Apex Court opened up a new dimension and laid down
that the procedure cannot be arbitrary, unfair or unreasonable one. Article 21
imposed a restriction upon the state where it prescribed a procedure for
depriving a person of his life or personal liberty. This view has been further
relied upon in a case of Francis Coralie Mullin v. The Administrator, Union
Territory of Delhi and others as follows: Article 21 requires that no one shall
be deprived of his life or personal liberty except by procedure established by
law and this procedure must be reasonable, fair and just and not arbitrary,
whimsical or fanciful. The law of preventive detention has therefore now to
pass the test not only for Article 22, but also of Article 21 and if the
constitutional validity of any such law is challenged, the court would have to
decide whether the procedure laid down by such law for depriving a person of
his personal liberty is reasonable, fair and just. In another case of Olga Tellis
and others v. Bombay Municipal Corporation and others , it was further
observed : Just as a mala fide act has no existence in the eye of law, even so,
unreasonablenessvitiates law and procedure alike. It is therefore essential that
the procedure prescribed by law for depriving a person of his fundamental right
must conform the norms of justice and fair play. Procedure, which is just or
unfair in the circumstances of a case, attracts the vice of unreasonableness,
thereby vitiating the law which prescribes that procedure and consequently, the
action taken under it.As stated earlier, the protection of Article 21 is wide
enough and it was further widened in the case of BandhuaMuktiMorcha v.
Union of India and others in respect of bonded labour and weaker section of
the society. It lays down as follows:Article 21 assures the right to live with
human dignity, free from exploitation. The state is under a constitutional
obligation to see that there is no violation of the fundamental right of any
person, particularly when he belongs to the weaker section of the community
and is unable to wage a legal battle against a strong and powerful opponent who
is exploiting him. Both the Central Government and the State Government are
therefore bound to ensure observance of the various social welfare and labour
laws enacted by Parliament for the purpose of securing to the workmen a life of
basic human dignity in compliance with the directive principles of the state
policy.
The meaning of the word life includes the right to live in fair and reasonable
conditions, right to rehabilitation after release, right to live hood by legal means
and decent environment. The expanded scope of Article 21 has been explained
by the Apex Court in the case of Unni Krishnan v. State of A.P. and the Apex
Court itself provided the list of some of the rights covered under Article 21 on
the basis of earlier pronouncements and some of them are listed below:
(1) The right to go abroad.
(2) The right to privacy.
(3) The right against solitary confinement.
(4) The right against hand cuffing.
(5) The right against delayed execution.
(6) The right to shelter.
(7) The right against custodial death.
(8) The right against public hanging.
(9) Doctors assistance.
It was observed in UnniKrishnans case that Article 21 is the heart of
Fundamental Rights and it has extended the Scope of Article 21 by observing
that the life includes the education as well as, as the right to education flows
from the right to life.
As a result of expansion of the scope of Article 21, the Public Interest
Litigations in respect of children in jail being entitled to special protection,
health hazards due to pollution and harmful drugs, housing for beggars,
immediate medical aid to injured persons, starvation deaths, the right to know,
the right to open trial, inhuman conditions in aftercare home have found place
under it. Through various judgments the Apex Court also included many of the
non-justifiable Directive Principles embodied under part IV of the Constitution
and some of the examples are as under:(a) Right to pollution free water and air.
(b) Protection of under-trial.
(c) Right of every child to a full development.
(d) Protection of cultural heritage.
Maintenance and improvement of public health, improvement of means of
communication, providing human conditions in prisons, maintaining hygienic
condition in slaughter houses have also been included in the expanded scope of
Article 21. this scope further has been extended even to innocent hostages
detained by militants in shrine who are beyond the control of the state.
The Apex Court in the case of S.S. Ahuwalia v. Union of India and others it
was held that in the expanded meaning attributed to Article 21 of the
Constitution, it is the duty of the State to create a climate where members of the
society belonging to different faiths, caste and creed live together and,
therefore, the State has a duty to protect their life, liberty, dignity and worth of
an individual which should not be jeopardized or endangered. If in any
circumstance the state is not able to do so, then it cannot escape the liability to
pay compensation to the family of the person killed during riots as his or her
life has been extinguished in clear violation of Article 21 of the Constitution.
While dealing with the provision of Article 21 in respect of personal liberty,
Hon’ble Supreme Court put some restrictions in a case of Javed and others v.
State of Hariyana, AIR 2003 SC 3057 as follows: at the very outset we are
constrained to observe that the law laid down by this court in the decisions
relied on either being misread or read divorced of the context. The test of
reasonableness is not a wholly subjective test and its contours are fairly
indicated by the Constitution. The requirement of reasonableness runs like a
golden thread through the entire fabric of fundamental rights. The lofty ideals of
social and economic justice, the advancement of the nation as a whole and the
philosophy of distributive justice- economic, social and political- cannot be
given a go-by in the name of undue stress on fundamental rights and individual
liberty. Reasonableness and rationality, legally as well as philosophically,
provide colour to the meaning of fundamental rights and these principles are
deducible from those very decisions which have been relied on by the learned
counsel for the petitioners.
The Apex Court led a great importance on reasonableness and rationality of the
provision and it is pointed out that in the name of undue stress on Fundamental
Rights and Individual Liberty, the ideals of social and economic justice cannot
be given a go-by. Thus it is clear that the provision Article 21 was constructed
narrowly at the initial stage but the law in respect of life and personal liberty of
a person was developed gradually and a liberal interpretation was given to these
words. New dimensions have been added to the scope of Article21 from time to
time. It imposed a limitation upon a procedure which prescribed for depriving a
person of life and personal liberty by saying that the procedure which
prescribed for depriving a person of life and personal liberty by saying that the
procedure must be reasonable, fair and such law should not be arbitrary,
whimsical and fanciful. The interpretation which has been given to the words
life and personal liberty in various decisions of the Apex Court, it can be said
that the protection of life and personal liberty has got multi-dimensional
meaning and any arbitrary, whimsical and fanciful act of the State which
deprived the life or personal liberty of a person would be against the provision
of Article 21 of the Constitution.
7. Right to health u/Art. 21
the Supreme Court has brought the right to health under the preview of Article
21. The scope of this provision is very wide. It prescribes for the right of life
and personal liberty. The concept of personal liberty comprehended many
rights, related to indirectly to life or liberty of a person. And now a person can
claim his right of health. Thus, the right to health, along with numerous other
civil, political and economic rights, is afforded protection under the Indian
Constitution.
The debate surrounding the implementation of the human right to health is fresh
and full of possibility for the developing world. In fact, Indian has been able to
create a legal mechanism whereby right to health can be protect and enforced.
The early of 1970s, witnessed a watershed in human rights litigation with the
keshwanandbhartiVs State of kerala, ushering in a unprecedented period of
progressive jurisprudence following the recognition fundamental rights. At the
same time standing rules were relaxed in order to promote PIL and access to
justice. So there were two developments in 1980s, which led to a marked
increase in health related litigation. First was the establishment of consumer
courts that made it cheaper and speedier to sue doctors for medical negligence.
Second, the growth of PIL and one of this offshoots being recognition of health
care as a fundamental right. Through PIL the Supreme Court has allowed
individual citizen to approach the court directly for the protection of their
Constitutional human rights.
The Constitution guarantees the some fundamental rights having a bearing on
health care. Article 21deal with “No person shall be deprived of his life or
personal liberty except according to procedure established by law.” Right to
live means something more, than more animal existence and includes the right
to live consistently with human dignity and decency.
In 1995, the Supreme Court held that right to health and medical care is a
fundamental right covered by Article 21 since health is essential for making the
life of workmen meaningful and purposeful and compatible with personal
dignity. The state has an obligation under Article 21 to safeguard the right to
life of every person, preservation of human life being of paramount importance.
The Supreme Court has in the case of ParmanandKatravs Union of India, held
that whether the patient be an innocent person or be a criminal liable to
punishment under the law, it is the obligation of those who are in charge of the
health of the community to preserve life so that innocent may be protected and
the guilty may be punished.
Article 23 is indirectly related to health. Article 23(1) prohibits traffic in human
beings. It is well known that traffic in women leads to prostitution, which in
turn is to major factor in spread of AIDS. Article 24 is relating to child labour it
deal with “No child below the age of 14 years shall be employed to work in any
factory or mine or engaged in any other hazardous employment.” Thus this
article is of direct relevance to child health.
In addition to constitutional remedies sensitizing of the relevant ordering law
towards later health for all adds to the content of right to health. Legal
prohibition of commercialized transplantation of human organ and effective
application of consumer protection act to deal with deficient medical services
have animated right to health.
Judicial Response: – with the recognition that both the Indian Constitution and
the fundamental right of life emphasize human dignity, began to address the
importance of health to Indian citizen. In the DPSP, Art.47 declares that the
State shall regard the level of nutrition and the standard of living of its people
and the improvement of public health as among its primary duties. Since DPSP
are not enforceable by the court, implementation of the guarantee has remained
illusory.[19] However, in a series of cases dealing with the substantive content
of the right to life, the court has found that the right live with human dignity
including right to good health. In Consumer Education and Research Center v.
UOI, the Court explicitly held that the right to health was an integral factor of a
meaningful right to life. The court held that the right to health and medical care
is a fundamental right under Article 21. The Supreme Court, while examining
the issue of the constitutional right to health care under arts 21, 41 and 47 of the
Constitution of India in State of Punjab v Ram LubhayaBagga, observed that
the right of one person correlates to a duty upon another, individual, employer,
government or authority. Hence, the right of a citizen to live under art 21 casts
and obligation on the state. This obligation is further reinforced under art 47; it
is for the state to secure health to its citizens as its primary duty. No doubt the
government is rendering this obligation by opening government hospitals and
health centers, but to be meaningful, they must be within the reach of its people,
and of sufficient liquid quality. Since it is one of the most sacrosanct and
valuable rights of a citizen, and an equally sacrosanct and sacred obligation of
the state, every citizen of this welfare state looks towards the state to perform
this obligation with top priority, including by way of allocation of sufficient
funds. This in turn will not only secure the rights of its citizens to their
satisfaction, but will benefit the state in achieving its social, political and
economic goals.
Right to Health Care as a Fundamental Right: – The Supreme Court, in
PaschimBangaKhetmazdoorSamity&ors v. State of West Bengal &ors, while
widening the scope of art 21 and the government’s responsibility to provide
medical aid to every person in the country, held that in a welfare state, the
primary duty of the government is to secure the welfare of the people.
Providing adequate medical facilities for the people is an obligation undertaken
by the government in a welfare state. The government discharges this obligation
by providing medical care to the persons seeking to avail of those facilities.
Article 21 imposes an obligation on the state to safeguard the right to life of
every person. Preservation of human life is thus of paramount importance. The
government hospitals run by the state are duty bound to extend medical
assistance for preserving human life. Failure on the part of a government
hospital to provide timely medical treatment to a person in need of such
treatment, results in violation of his right to life guaranteed under Article21.
The Court made certain additional direction in respect of serious medical cases:
a. Adequate facilities be provided at the public health centers where the
patient can be given basic treatment and his condition stabilized.
b. Hospitals at the district and sub divisional level should be upgraded so
that serious cases be treated there.
c. Facilities for given specialist treatment should be increased and having
regard to the growing needs, it must be made available at the district and sub
divisional level hospitals.
d. In order to ensure availability of bed in any emergency at State level
hospitals, there should be a centralized communication system so that the
patient can be sent immediately to the hospital where bed is available in respect
of the treatment, which is required.
e. Proper arrangement of ambulance should be made for transport of a
patient from the public health center to the State hospital.
f. Ambulance should be adequately provided with necessary equipments
and medical personnel.
Workers right to health care facilities: – The Supreme Court has recognized the
rights of the workers and their right to basic health facilities under the
Constitution, as well as under the international conventions to which India is a
party. In its path breaking judgment in BandhuaMuktiMorcha v Union of
India, the court delineated the scope of art 21 of the Constitution, and held that
it is the fundamental right of every one in this country, assured under the
interpretation given to art 21 by this court in Francis Mullin’s Case to live with
human dignity, free from exploitation. This right to live with human dignity
enshrined in art 21 derives its life breath from the directive principles of state
policy and particularly clause (e) and (f) of art 39 and arts 41 and 42. It must
include protection of the health and strength of workers, men and women; and
children of tender age against abuse; opportunities and facilities for children to
develop in a healthy manner and in conditions of freedom and dignity;
educational facilities; just and humane conditions of work and maternity relief.
These are the minimum requirements, which must exist in order to enable a
person to live with human dignity. No state, neither the central government nor
any state government, has the right to take any action which will deprive a
person of the enjoyment of these basic essentials.InCESE Ltd v Subhash
Chandra Bose, the court held that, the health and strength of a worker is an
integral facet of the right to life. The aim of fundamental rights is to create an
egalitarian society to free all citizens from coercion or restrictions by society
and to make liberty available for all. The court, while reiterating its stand for
providing health facilities in Vincent v Union of India, held that a healthy body
is the very foundation for all human activities. In a welfare state, therefore, it is
the obligation of the state to ensure the creation and the sustaining of conditions
congenial to good health.
Right to Health is a Fundamental Right: In CESC Ltd. vs. Subash Chandra
Bose, the Supreme Court relied on international instruments and concluded that
right to health is a fundamental right. It went further and observed that health is
not merely absence of sickness: “The term health implies more than an absence
of sickness. Medical care and health facilities not only protect against sickness
but also ensure stable manpower for economic development. Facilities of health
and medical care generate devotion and dedication to give the workers’ best,
physically as well as mentally, in productivity. It enables the worker to enjoy
the fruit of his labour, to keep him physically fit and mentally alert for leading a
successful economic, social and cultural life. The medical facilities are,
therefore, part of social security and like gilt edged security, it would yield
immediate return in the increased production or at any rate reduce absenteeism
on grounds of sickness, etc.
Environment Pollution is linked to Health and is violation of right to life with
dignity: In T. Ramakrishna Rao vs. Hyderabad Development Authority, the
Andhra Pradesh High Court observed: Protection of the environment is not only
the duty of the citizens but also the obligation of the State and it’s all other
organs including the Courts. The enjoyment of life and its attainment and
fulfilment guaranteed by Article 21 of the Constitution embraces the protection
and preservation of nature’s gift without which life cannot be enjoyed fruitfully.
The slow poisoning of the atmosphere caused by the environmental pollution
and spoliation should be regarded as amounting to violation of Article 21 of the
Constitution of India.
It is therefore, as held by this Court speaking through P.A, Choudary, J., in T.
DamodarRao and others vs. Special Officer, Municipal Corporation of
Hyderabad, the legitimate duty of the Courts as the enforcing organs of the
constitutional objectives to forbid all actions of the State and the citizens from
upsetting the ecological and environmental balance. In Virender Gaur vs. State
of Haryana, the Supreme Court held that environmental, ecological, air and
water pollution, etc., should be regarded as amounting to violation of right to
health guaranteed by Article 21 of the Constitution. It is right to state that
hygienic environment is an integral facet of the right to healthy life and it would
not be possible to live with human dignity without a humane and healthy
environment. In Consumer Education and Research Centre vs. Union of
India, Kirloskar Brothers Ltd. vs. Employees’ State Insurance Corporation,
the Supreme Court held that right to health and medical care is a fundamental
fight under Article 21 read with Article 39(e), 41 and 43. In Subhash Kumar
vs. State of Bihar, the Supreme Court held that right to pollution-free water and
air is an enforceable fundamental right guaranteed under Article 21. Similarly
in Shantistar Builders v. Narayan KhimalalTotame, the Supreme Court opined
that the right to decent environment is covered by the right guaranteed under
Article 21. Further, in M.C. Mehta vs. Union of India, Rural Litigation and
Entitlement Kendra v. State of U.P., Subhash Kumar vs. State of Bihar , the
Supreme Court imposed a positive obligation upon the State to take steps for
ensuring to the individual a better enjoyment of life and dignity and for
elimination of water and air pollution. It is also relevant to notice as per the
judgment of the Supreme Court in Vincent Panikurlangara vs. Union of India,
Unnikrishnan, JP vs. State of A.P. The maintenance and improvement of
public health is the duty of the State to fulfill its constitutional obligations cast
on it under Article 21 of the Constitution.
8. Right to Privacy
The right to privacy presents itself as an illustration of the interpretative
capabilities of the higher judiciary, as well as a right emanating as a
consequence of the larger process of widening the ambit of specifically
enumerated fundamental rights. which shall be critically examined in the
context of the Supreme Court’s ruling in the case of KharakSingh v. State of
Punjab. The literal meaning of privacy, as defined in the New Oxford English
Dictionary3 is the ‘absence or avoidance of publicity or display; the state or
condition from being withdrawn from the society of others, or from public
interest; seclusion.’ The Black’s Law Dictionary refers to privacy as “the right
to be let alone; the right of a person to be free from unwarranted publicity; and
the right to live without unwarranted interference by the public in matters with
which the public is not necessarily concerned”. Therefore, the right to privacy,
notwithstanding its differing connotations, remains a private right of an
individual.Privacy as a concept involves what privacy entails and how it is to be
valued. Privacy as aright involves the extent to which privacy is (and should be
legally protected). “ The lawdoes not determine what privacy is, but only what
situations of privacy will be affordedlegal protection”. It is interesting to note
that the common law does not know a generalright of privacy and the Indian
Parliament has so far been reluctant to enact one.
Judicial Activism: The Right to Privacy:-The role of the Judiciary. Judicial
activism has brought the Right to Privacy within the realm of Fundamental
Rights. Article 141 of the Constitution states that “the law declared by the
Supreme Court shall be binding on all courts within the territory of India.”
Therefore, the decisions of The Supreme Court of India become the Law of the
Land.The Supreme Court of India has come to the rescue of common citizen,
time and again byconstruing “right to privacy” as a part of the Fundamental
Right to “protection of life andpersonal liberty” under Article 21 of the
Constitution, which states “no person shall be deprived of his life or personal
liberty except according to procedures established by law”. In the context of
personal liberty, the Supreme Court has observed “those who feel called upon
to deprive other persons of their personal liberty in the discharge of what they
conceive to be their duty must strictly and scrupulously observe the forms and
rules of the law”.Even the fundamental right “to freedom of speech and
expression” as enumerated inArticle 19(1)(a) of the Constitution of India comes
with reasonable restrictions imposedby the State relating to (i) defamation; (ii)
contempt of court; (iii) decency or morality;(iv) security of the State; (v)
friendly relations with foreign states; (vi) incitement to anoffence; (vii) public
order; (viii) maintenance of the sovereignty and integrity of India.Thus, the
right to privacy is limited against defamation, decency or morality.The Supreme
Court has reiterated the Right to Privacy in the following cases:
1. Kharak Singh v. State of UP.In this case the appellant was being harassed by
police under Regulation 236(b) of UP Police Regulation, which permits
domiciliary visits at night. The Supreme Court held that the Regulation 236 is
unconstitutional and violative of Article 21. It concluded that the Article 21 of
the Constitution includes “right to privacy” as a part of the right to “protection
of life and personal liberty”. The Court equated ‘personal liberty’ with
‘privacy’, and observed, that “the concept of liberty in Article 21 was
comprehensive enough to include privacy and that a person’s house, where he
lives with his family is his ‘castle’ and that nothing is more deleterious to a
man’s physical happiness and health than a calculated interference with his
privacy”.
2. Gobind v. State of M.P. is another case on domiciliary visits. The Supreme
Court laiddown that “ …………privacy-dignity claims deserve to be examined
with care and to bedenied only when an important countervailing interest is
shown to be superior. If theCourt does find that a claimed right is entitled to
protection as a fundamental privacyright, a law infringing it must satisfy the
compelling State interest test………”
3. State v. Charulata Joshi the Supreme Court held that “the constitutional
right to freedom of speech and expression conferred by Article 19(1)(a) of the
Constitution whichincludes the freedom of the press is not an absolute right.
The press must first obtain the willingness of the person sought to be
interviewed and no court can pass any order if theperson to be interviewed
expresses his unwillingness”.
4. R. Rajagopal v. State of Tamil Nadu, the Supreme Court held that the
petitioners have a right to publish what they allege to be the life-
story/autobiography of Auto Shankar insofar as it appears from the public
records, even without his consent or Authorization. But if they go beyond that
and publish his life story, they may be invading his right to privacy, then they
will be liable for the consequences in accordance with law. Similarly, the State
or its officials cannot prevent or restraint the said publication. It Stated that “A
citizen has a right to safeguard the privacy of his own, his family, marriage,
procreation, motherhood, child bearing and education among other matters.
None can publish anything concerning the above matters without his consent-
whether truthful or otherwise and whether laudatory or critical. If he does so, he
would be violating the right to privacy of the person concerned and would be
liable in an action for damages…….”
5. People’s Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL) v. Union of India, the Supreme
Court heldthat the telephone tapping by Government under S. 5(2) of Telegraph
Act, 1885 amountsinfraction of Article 21 of the Constitution of India. Right to
privacy is a part of the rightto “life” and “personal liberty” enshrined under
Article 21 of the Constitution. The saidright cannot be curtailed “except
according to procedure established by law”.
6. In Mr. ‘X’ v. Hospital ‘Z’ for the first time the Supreme Court articulated on
sensitivedata related to health. In this case, the appellant’s blood test was
conducted at the respondent’s hospital and he was found to be HIV (+). His
marriage, which was alreadysettled, was called off after this revelation. Several
persons including the members of hisfamily and those belonging to their
community came to know of his HIV (+) status and was ostracized by the
community. He approached the National Commission against the respondent
hospital claiming damages from them for disclosing information about his
health, which, by norms of ethics, according to him, ought to have been kept
confidential. The National Commission summarily dismissed his complaint.
Consequently he moved the Supreme Court by way of an appeal. The appellant
argued that the principle of ‘duty of care’ as applicable to persons in medical
profession also included the duty to maintain confidentiality and that since this
duty was violated by the respondents, they were liable to pay damages. “Right
of privacy may, apart from contract, also arise out of a particular specific
relationship, which may be commercial, matrimonial, or even political. Doctor-
patient relationship, though basically commercial, is professionally, a matter of
confidence and, therefore, doctors are morally and ethically bound to maintain
confidentiality.” It however, held that although it was the basic principle of
jurisprudence that ‘every Right has a correlative Duty and every Duty has a
correlative Right’, the rule was not absolute and was ‘subject to certain
exceptions’ in the sense that ‘a person may have a Right, but there may not be
correlative Duty, and the instant case fell within exceptions. The court observed
that even the Code of Medical Ethics carved out an exception to the rule of
confidentiality and permitted the disclosure in certain circumstances ‘under
which public interest would override the duty of confidentiality’ particularly
where there is ‘an immediate or future health risk to others’. According to the
court, the ‘right to confidentiality, if any, vested in the appellant was not
enforceable in the present situation, as the proposed marriage carried with it the
health risk from being infected with the communicable disease from which the
appellant suffered. As regards the argument of the appellant that his right to
privacy had been infringed by the respondents by disclosing that he was HIV
(+) and, therefore, they were liable in damages, the Supreme Court observed
that as one of the basic human rights, the right of privacy was not treated as
absolute and was ‘subject to such action as may be lawfully taken for the
prevention of crime or disorder or protection of health or morals or protection
of rights and freedom of others.”
7. District Registrar and Collector v. Canara Bank, it was held, that “exclusion
of illegitimate intrusions into privacy depends on the nature of the right being
asserted andthe way in which it is brought into play; it is at this point that the
context becomes crucial, to inform substantive judgment. If these factors are
relevant for defining the rightto privacy, they are quite relevant whenever there
is invasion of that right by way of searches and seizures at the instance of the
State.”If one follows the judgments given by the Hon’ble Supreme Court, three
themes emerge18:
(1) that the individual’s right to privacy exists and any unlawful invasion of
privacy would make the ‘offender’ liable for the consequences in accordance
with law;
(2) that there is constitutional recognition given to the right of privacy which
protects personal privacy against unlawful governmental invasion;
(3) that the person’s “right to be let alone” is not an absolute right and may be
lawfully restricted for the prevention of crime, disorder or protection of health
or morals or protection of rights and freedom of others;
Tracing the Right to Privacy in India:-In the celebrated case of ADM Jabalpur
v. ShivakantShukla, the Supreme Court sought to determine if the right to
personal liberty is limited by any limitations other than those expressly
contained in the Constitution and statute law. As observed by Khanna J:
“Article 21 is not the sole repository of the right to personal liberty…..no one
shall be deprived of his life and personal liberty without the authority of laws
follows not merely from common law, it flows equally from statutory law like
the penal law in force in India.” This establishes that the right to privacy need
not be expressly guaranteed, but may be implicit because of its inclusion in
common law. The Supreme Court in recent years through judicial activism has
preferred to “read into” the Constitution a fundamental right to privacy by a
creative interpretation of the right to life guaranteed under Article 21.
Privacy and Data Protection:-Privacy is closely connected to Data Protection.
An individual’s data like his name address, telephone numbers, profession,
family, choices, etc. are often available at various places like schools, colleges,
banks, directories, surveys and on various web sites. Passing on such
information to interested parties can lead to intrusion in privacy like incessant
marketing calls.It would be a misnomer to say that India does not have ‘data
protection’ legislation at all.This is factually wrong. The fact is that there exists
data protection legislation in India. The subject matter of data protection and
privacy has been dealt within the InformationTechnology Act, 2000 but not in
an exclusive manner. Data protection is not a subject in any of the three lists in
Schedule VII of the Constitution of India. But Entry 97 of List 1 states: “any
other matter not enumerated in List II and List III …….” Thus only the Indian
Parliament is competent to legislate on data protection since it can be
interpreted as any other matter not enumerated in List II and List III. Data
protection is, thus, a Central subject and only the Central Government is
competent to frame legislations on issues dealing with data protection. In fact,
the Information Technology Act, 2000, enacted by the Indian Parliament is the
first legislation, which contains provisions on data protection. Tracing the
Origins of the Right to Privacy in India.The struggle to specifically incorporate
privacy as a specific fundamental right under the Constitution is substantially
attributable, in large measure, to the rather amorphous character of this right. In
the case of M.P. Sharma v. Satish Chandra wherein the contours of the
police’s powers of search and surveillance were outlined, it was held that there
is no right to privacy under the Constitution. In reaching this conclusion, the
Supreme Court preferred to base its interpretation in a rather narrow sense,
limiting itself to simply the prescribed statutory regulations. This represented
the prevailing judicial approach of simply limiting interpretation, along
positivist lines. Therefore, the Court concluded that it lacked the justification to
import [privacy] into a totally different fundamental right, by some process of
strained construction. Thus the courts adopted a narrow and formalistic
approach by pointing to the absence of a specific constitutional provision
analogous to the Fourth Amendment of the US constitution, to protect the right
of privacy of Indians from unlawful searches. This ruling has been followed
nearly a decade later, in the case of Kharak Singh v. State of Punjab, wherein
the right to privacy was again invoked to challenge police surveillance of an
accused person. The contention raised is that the right to privacy may be
identified in the “personal liberty” as contained in Article 21. Citing with
approval the observations of Field, J in Munn v Illinois, it referred to the fifth
and fourteenth amendment of the American Constitution and other American
and English judgments of Wolf v. Colorado24 and Semayne’s Case. In
widening the scope of liberty under Article 21, the Court held that “personal
liberty” is contained in Article 21 as a “compendious term to include within
itself all varieties of rights which go to make up the personal liberty of man
other than those dealt with in several clauses of Article 19(1).” However,
notwithstanding this, it concluded that this right to privacy is not in existence
under the Constitution, with Ayyangar, J laying down that: “The right of
privacy is not guaranteed under our Constitution and therefore the attempt to
ascertain the movements of an individual which is merely a manner in which
privacy is invaded is not an infringement of fundamental right guaranteed by
Part III”. As in the M.P. Sharma case, the Supreme Court appears to be
influenced by the absence of any provision similar to that of a prohibition on
unreasonable search and seizure as is available under the Fourth Amendment of
the US Constitution. Thus the majority erred in regarding “prohibition on
unreasonable search and seizure” as the only facet of privacy. It remains
surprising as to how the Court arrived at the conclusion that secret surveillance
is not unconstitutional and violative of personal liberty. It is also not clear how
the Court came to the conclusion that secret surveillance was not
unconstitutional and did not violate personal liberty, but at the same time
quoted in a positive light Semayne’s case and opined that “the house to
everyone is to him as his castle and fortress”. Taking a more holistic view of the
scheme of protection afforded by Part III, the minority found that all acts of
surveillance under the impugned Regulations offended Articles 21 and 19(1)
(d), as movement under the shroud of police surveillance cannot be described as
free movement within the meaning of the constitution. Thus the minority
judgment found the clauses authorizing “surveillance” as unconstitutional as
they believed that even thought there did not exist an express right to “privacy”
in the Constitution, such a right was built into the very fabric of Article 21 and
secondly, they were of the opinion that “the right to move freely” implied the
right to move free from psychological impediments, which obviously cannot be
the case if one knows he is under surveillance. However, even the minority
ruling rejects recognition of the right to privacy, although it concluded that the
acts of surveillance are unconstitutional. At this point, it is pertinent to
remember that the rationale on which the majority ruling is based in the Kharak
Singh case is that the rights contained in Article 19 are not contained in Article
21, which has been rejected following the Supreme Court’s ruling in the
celebrated Maneka Gandhi case, wherein a Bench of the Supreme Court held,
while referring to its earlier ruling in the Kharak Singh case:
“In our view this is not the correct approach. Both are independent fundamental
rights, though they are overlapping. The fundamental right to life and personal
liberty has many attributes and some of them are found in Article 19.”31
The majority opinion in the Kharak Singh case relied upon the theory of
“carving out” in Article 21 the residue of the elements of personal liberty
excluded in the ambit of Article 19(1). In rejecting this, subsequent rulings of
the Supreme Court proceeded to detail upon the different manifestation of
personal liberties as contained in both constitutional provisions, because of
which Article 21 could not be treated as a residual provision. This judicial
approach resonates the Supreme Court’s categorical rejection of the right to
strike in the All India Bank Employees Association case, wherein it held that
even upon a liberal interpretation of Article 19(1), it cannot be concluded that
trade unions are guaranteed the right to strike. In a similar manner, there is no
implied right to privacy, thereby reinforcing the plea that the right to privacy
ought to be clearly articulated. The Supreme Court, a decade later, examined
the existence and scope of the fundamental right to privacy. In Govind v State
of MP the Supreme Court, again adjudicating upon the question of the
constitutionality of police surveillance, side-stepped the rationale underlying the
earlier rulings in M.P. Sharma and Kharak Singh. Tracing the origin of the
right in the presumed intention of the framers of the Constitution, the court,
speaking through Matthew J. said:
“There can be no doubt that the makers of our Constitution wanted to ensure
conditions favourable to the pursuit of happiness. They certainly realized, as
Brandeis, J. said in his dissent in Olmstead v. US, the significance of man’s
Spiritual nature, of his feelings and his intellect (...). They sought to protect
[Individual] in their beliefs, thoughts, their emotions and their sensations.
Therefore they must be deemed to have conferred upon the individual as against
the government a sphere where he should be let alone”. The Supreme Court,
while accepting the unifying principle underlying the concept of privacy, noted
that the fundamental nature of the right is implicit in the concept of ordered
liberty. Substantiated by recent rulings of the US Supreme Court, the judicial
approach remained that there exists a penumbra or zone of privacy in terms of
the different guarantees afforded by Part III of the Constitution of India, thereby
anchoring the right of privacy in India’s constitutional jurisprudence. However,
remaining cautious, the Supreme Court also observed that in the absence of any
legislative enactment, this right will pass through a “case-by-case
development”.
The Supreme Court’s ruling in the Govind case was rendered by a Bench
consisting of three judges, although rather contradictory to that as held by a
Bench of six judges in the Kharak Singh case, hereinbefore referred to.
Interestingly, the ruling in the Govind case fails to refer to earlier decisions on
privacy, because of which it is possible to contend if the law as laid down in
this case is valid, as it appears to be contrary to the ruling in the Kharak Singh
case.
On the basis of a dispassionate perusal of the aforementioned judicial rulings, it
is evident that there is an implied, unenumerated, but judicially- evolved and
recognized right to privacy under the Indian Constitution. Although the rulings
of the Supreme Court in the cases of M.P. Sharma and Kharak Singh, already
referred to, denied the existence of any right to privacy, smaller benches in the
cases of Govind, Rajagopaland PUCL unmistakably indicate the existence of
such a right. The shift in judicial interpretation is most notably observed
following the Maneka Gandhi case, wherein this right is recognized, subject to
legal restrictions satisfying the requirements as laid down in the Maneka
Gandhi case. However, if the courts were to address the issue of right to
privacy under Article 21 afresh, there is little doubt that it would conclude that
there does exist a right to privacy. Such a statement will not be valid law unless
stated by a bench of more than six judges so as to effectively overrule Kharak
Singh. On a harmonious interpretation of the legal principles as laid down by
the Supreme Court at different points of time, it is sufficient to conclude the
existence of right to privacy under Part III of the Constitution. The first
principle was stated in Kharak Singh, which said that ‘personal liberty’ used in
the Article 21 is ‘a compendious term to include within itself all varieties of
rights which go to make up the personal liberty of man other than those
dealtwith in several clauses of Article 19(1).’ The second and third principles
were laid down in ManekaGandhi, which stated that any law interfering with
‘personal liberty’ must be just, fair and reasonable and that an unnamed right
may be regarded as part of a named fundamental right if it partakes of the same
basic nature and character of the named right Privacy is also a feature of the
dignity of an individual that the preamble to the Constitution assures every
individual. Thus the right is not merely a negative mandate upon the state not to
encroach upon the private space of the individual but is also a positive
affirmation on the state to create adequate institutions that would enable one to
effectively protect his private life. Thus the right to privacy has a strong
constitutional edifice, which could, if clarified by an appropriate Bench of the
Supreme Court, settle this judicial controversy at rest.
Introduction: Fundamental rights are those rights which are regarded as
fundamental in every democratic system of government. They are so regarded
because they are vitally necessary for the attainment by the individual of his full
moral and spiritual stature. Without these rights, the individual’s moral and
spiritual life would remain stunted, and he would not be able to develop his
potentialities.
The constitution of India has embodied a number of Fundamental rights, which are
to act as limitations not only upon the powers of the legislature, but though the
model has been taken from the constitution of the United States, Indian
Constitution does not go so far, and rather effects a compromise between the
doctrine of Parliamentary Sovereignty and Judicial supremacy. On one hand, the
parliament of India cannot said to be sovereign in the English sense of legal
omnipotence, for the very fact that the parliament is created and limited by a
written constitution enables our parliament to legislate only subject to the
limitations and prohibition imposed by the constitution. If the distribution of
legislative powers etc., in case any of these limitations are transgressed, the
Supreme Court and the High Courts are competent to declare a law as
unconstitutional and void. So far as the contravention of fundamental rights is
concerned, the duty is especially enjoined upon the courts by the constitution, by
way of abundant caution. To this extent, our constitution follows the American
model rather than the English. But the powers of the judiciary vis-à-vis the
legislature are weaker in India than in the united states.
State u/Art 12
“The state” includes the government and parliament of India and the government
and the legislature of each of the states and all local or other authorities within the
territory of India or under the control of the government of India.
(i) Agency outside India – an instrumentality or agency of the state having
(ii) BCCI – BCCI is not financially, functionally or administratively
(iii) Cooperative Societies – The cooperative societies are not created by the
operations outside India must comply with labour legislation; Lena Khan
vs UOI: AIR 1987 SC 1515.
dominated by government not it is under control of government,
therefore not a state; Zee Telefilms ltd. vs UOI: AIR 2005 SC 2677.
Co-operative Societies Act, 1912 and they are not statutory bodies. They
are only functioning in accordance with the provisions of the act.
Moreover, the government has no shares in the cooperative societies.
There is no deep and pervasive state control. The management of the
societies does not vest in the government, or in the representatives of the
government bank. The management is, under the effective control of
committee elected by the members of the society. The statutory
(iv) Examples of authorities held to be state – The state bank of India as also
regulation or restriction in the functioning of the societies is not “an
imprint of the state u/Art. 12”. Hence no writ will lie against a
cooperative society governed by the Kerala Cooperative Societies Act; P.
Bhaskaranvs Additional Secretary, Agricultural (Co-operation)
Department, Trivandrum, AIR 1988 Ker 75.
the nationalized banks are ‘states’ within the meaning of Art. 12 of the
Constitution of India. The service of the workmen are also governed by
several standing orders and bipartite settlements which have the force of
law. The banks, therefore, cannot take recourse to ‘hire and fire’ for the
purpose of terminating the services of the employees; Bank of India vs
O.P. Swaranakar, AIR 2003 SC 858.
The children aid society should be treated as a state within the meaning
of Art. 12 as it is undoubtedly an instrumentality of state; SheelaBarsevs
Secretary, Children Aid Society: AIR 1987 SC 656.
This is inevitable consequence of “other authorities” being entities with
independent status distinct from the state and this fact alone does not
militate against such entities or institutions being agencies or
instrumentalities to come under the net of Art. 12 of the Constitution;
Mysore Paper Mills Ltd. vs Mysore Paper Mills officers Association:
(2002) 2 SCC 167.
The Rajasthan State Electricity Board is ‘state’ within the meaning of the
expression used in Art. 12 of the constitution so that it is amendable to
the writ jurisdiction u/Art.226 of the constitution; D.C.M. ltd. vs
Assistant Engineer (H.M.T. sub-division), Rajasthan State Electricity
Board, Kota, AIR 1988 Raj. 64.
There are tests formulated by several cases of the SC to find out whether
an institution is a ‘state’. There cannot indeed be a straight jacket
formula. It is not necessary that all the tests should be satisfied or
reaching the conclusion either for or against holding an institution to be
‘state’. In a given case, some of the features may emerge so boldly and
prominently that a second view may not be possible. There may yet be
other cases where the matter would be on the borderline and it would be
difficult to take one or other view outright; Tekrajvs UOI: AIR 1988 SC
469.
2. Other Authorities u/Art. 12
Judicial decisions have given a wide scope to the expression “other authorities” in
Article 12. The main theory evolved is that of “instrumentality or agency” of
government. This is a concept wider than a “department of the government”. It
embraces every public authority exercising statutory powers, every authority
created under statute and even a non-statutory authority exercising public
functions.
What is, and what is not a “state” has been the subject matter of rich case law
u/Art. 12. From the numerous decisions on the subject, a judgment of the Andhra
Pradesh HC has culled out certain propositions; (1987) 4 Reports 198(AP), decided
on 23rd January, 1987 (WP no. 3065/1978). The judgment says that the essential
tests to determine whether a particular institution is “other authority” within the
meaning of Article 12 are substantial financial aid, control by the government,
performance of public functions and entrustment of governmental activities. All of
these are not essential, and in a particular case, one or a combination of more than
one of them may suffice. In the leading case of Ajay Hasiavs Khalid Mujib, AIR
1981 SC 487, the regional engineering college was held to be a “state”.
P.N.Bhagwati, J. observed as under in that case:
“the constitutional philosophy of a democratic socialist
republic requires the government to undertake a multitude of
socio-economic operations and the government, having regard to
the practical advantages of functioning through the legal device
of a corporation embarks on myriad commercial and economic
activities by resorting to the instrumentality or agency of a
corporation, but this contrivance of carrying on such activities
through a corporation cannot exonerate the government from its
basic obligation to respect the fundamental rights and not to
override them. The mandate of a corporation may be adopted in
order to free the government from the inevitable constrains of red
tapism and slow motion but by doing so, the government cannot
be allowed to play truant with the basic human rights. Otherwise,
it would be the easiest thing for the government to assign to a
plurality of corporations almost every state business such as post
and telegraph, TV and radio, rail, road and telephones – in short
every economic activity – and thereby cheat the people of India
out of the fundamental rights guaranteed to them”
In the above judgment of the SC J. Bhagwati enunciated the following test for
determining whether an entity is an instrumentality or agency of the state:-
1. One thing is clear that if the entire share capital of the corporation is held by
the government, it would go a long way towards indicating that the
corporation is an instrumentality or agency or government.
2. Where the financial assistance of the state is so much as to meet almost
entire expenditure of the corporation, it would afford some indication of the
corporation being impregnated with governmental character,
3. It may also be a relevant factor whether the corporation enjoys monopoly
status which is the state conferred or state protected.
4. Existence of deep and pervasive state control may afford an indication that
the corporation is a state agency or instrumentality.
5. If the functions of the corporation of public importance and closely related
to governmental functions, it would be a relevant factor in classifying the
corporation as a instrumentality or agency of government.
6. Specifically, if a department of government is transferred to a corporation, it
would be a strong factor supportive of this interference of the corporation
being an instrumentality or agency of government.
The Delhi Transport Corporation is a “state” as decided in DTC vsMazdoor
Congress, AIR 1991 SC 101.
In Chanana Steel Tubes Pvt. Ltd. Vs H.P.S.I.D.C., AIR 2003 HP 36, it was held
that when ‘company’ is a wholly state government owned company incorporated
under the companies act, 1956, government has got pervasive control over this
company. Its managing director is appointed by the state government, as also other
officials are also appointed as directors. Thus, it is an “other authority’, within the
meaning of article 12.
Relevant case laws are :
(i) SomPrakashvs UOI: AIR 1981 SC 212
(ii) Tajinder Singh vs Bharat Petroleum Corp. Ltd.: (1986) 4 SCC 237
(iii) State of Punjab vs Raja Ram: (1981) 2 SCC 66
(iv) SukhdevvsBhagatram; AIR 1975 SC 1331
(v) K.S. Ramamurthy vs Chief commissioner, Pondicherry: AIR 1963 SC
1464
3. Reverse Discrimination
Reverse discrimination, also known as positive discrimination, is a
controversial specific form of discrimination against members of a dominant or
majority group, or in favor of members of a minority or historically
disadvantaged group. Groups may be defined in terms of race, gender, ethnicity,
or other factors. This discrimination may seek to redress social inequalities
where minority groups have been denied access to the same privileges of the
majority group. In such cases it is intended to remove discrimination that
minority groups may already face. "Reverse discrimination" may also be used
to highlight the discrimination inherent in affirmative action programs.
The law in some countries, such as the UK, draws a distinction between
Equality of Provision and Equality of Outcome, recognizing that identical
treatment may sometimes act to preserve inequality rather than eliminate it.
Opponents of this distinction may label it as an example of positive
discrimination.
Indian Law now provides a quota system whereby a percentage of posts are
reserved in employment in Government and in the public sector units, and in all
public and private educational institutions, except in the religious/ linguistic
minority educational institutions, in order to mitigate backwardness of the
socially and educationally backward communities and the Scheduled Castes and
Tribes who do not have adequate representation in these services and
institutions. The reservation policy is also extended to the Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes for representation in the Parliament of India. The central
government of India reserves 27% of higher education, and individual states
may legislate further reservations. Reservation cannot be exceeded 50%, as per
the rulings given by the supreme court, but certain Indian states like Rajasthan
have proposed a 68 % reservation which includes a 14% reservation for forward
castes.
Reservations are intended to increase the social diversity in campuses and
workplaces by lowering the entry criteria for certain identifiable groups that are
grossly under-represented in proportion to their numbers in the general
population. Caste is the most used criteria to identify under-represented groups.
However there are other identifiable criteria for under-representation—gender
(women are under represented), state of domicile (North Eastern States, as
Bihar and Uttar Pradesh are under-represented), rural people, etc. as revealed by
the Government of India sponsored National Family Health and National
Sample surveys.The underlying theory is that the under-representation of the
identifiable groups is a legacy of the Indian caste system. After India gained
independence, the Constitution of India listed some erstwhile groups as
Scheduled Castes (SC) and Scheduled Tribes (ST). The framers of the
Constitution believed that, due to the caste system, SCs and the STs were
historically oppressed and denied respect and equal opportunity in Indian
society and were thus under-represented in nation-building activities. The
Constitution laid down 15% and 7.5% of vacancies to government aided
educational institutes and for jobs in the government/public sector, as reserved
quota for the SC and ST candidates respectively for a period of five years, after
which the situation was to be reviewed. This period was routinely extended by
the succeeding governments.
Later, reservations were introduced for other sections as well. The Supreme
Court ruling that reservations cannot exceed 50% (which it judged would
violate equal access guaranteed by the Constitution) has put a cap on
reservations. However, there are state laws that exceed this 50% limit and these
are under litigation in the Supreme Court. For example, the caste-based
reservation fraction stands at 69% and is applicable to about 87% of the
population in the state of Tamil Nadu.
Court has put 50% cap on reservations in M.R. Balaji v Mysore: AIR 1963 SC
649. Almost all states except Tamil Nadu (69%, Under 9th schedule) and
Rajasthan (68% quota including 14% for forward castes, post gujjar violence
2008) has not exceeded 50% limit. Tamil Nadu exceeded limit in 1980. Andhra
Pradesh tried to exceed limit in 2005 which was again stalled by high court.
SC in Indira Sawhney&Ors v. Union of India.AIR 1993 SC 477, upheld
Implementation of separate reservation for other backward classes in central
government jobs.
In Unni Krishnan, J.P. &Ors. Vs. State of Andhra Pradesh &Ors.: 1993 (1)
SCC 645, it was held that right to establish educational institutions can neither
be a trade or business nor can it be a profession within the meaning of Article
19(1)(g). This was overruled in T.M.A. Pai Foundation v. State of Karnataka
(2002) 8 SCC 481, P.A.Inamdar v. State of Maharashtra 2005 AIR(SC)
3226,Supreme court ruled that reservations cannot be enforced on Private
Unaided educational institutions.
4. Right to Equality vis a vis Reservation Policy in India
Introduction:-In the American Declaration of Independence, it is said that “All
men are created equal, that they are endowed by their creator with certain
unalienable rights.” This notion of inalienable rights and their equal
distribution has emerged in the early 16th century in the works of the social
contractors- Hobbes Locke and Rousseau. John Locke said that the right to life,
liberty and property are natural rights which are enjoyed by everyone alike and
are not separable from the person. This gives us an idea that the right to equality
is more basic than natural law itself. Thus in its creation, the state is obliged to
provide for this right, not just legally but functionally.The preamble of India
constitution contains the phrase: “Equality- social political and economic”.
These are different types of equalities and the state has to ensure that its citizens
are provided with each and every one of these. Social equality is the most
common in pluralistic societies but no provision of law can be made in this
regard. So, it is done by means of the other two categories- political and
economic. Political inequality materializes from the said social inequality but as
politics is a government functionary, legislations are made to guarantee this
right. On the other hand economic inequality is a very practical phenomenon
and thus active steps can be taken to empower all people economically. This, in
retrospect, hampers social inequality because economic status is closely
connected with social status. Thus, the state has a burden to justify, through its
legislations and its implementation that equality is sought to be achieved and
only in doing so will it realize true equality.
Indian Law For Equality:-The constitution of India says, “The state shall not
deny to any person, equality before the law or the equal protection of the laws
within the territory of India.” this is the article 14 of our constitution which is
construed as one of the fundamental rights of the people living under it. The
provision is very clear. The phrase “equality before law” is an adaptation of a
postulate of the rule of law followed by the equity courts in England. It is the
quintessential principle to be set down before exercising any authority on a
group of people. Even when the British ruled over India, this was a prominent
legal provision. The glaring inequality that was followed under the British rule
is widely known. So equality as a concept is not debated upon but it is also very
complex and although every single country in the world which has a
constitution provides for this right, the implementation of this right varies.
Some stated follow formal equality as they have a more homogenous mixture of
population like the communist countries. Other states follow substantive
equality where there are already huge inequalities prevalent. The important
thing to note is that equality is a value that every government believes in but the
interpretations are varied and none of them have been proved wrong.
Reservation Policy In India:-In the case of India, the reservation policy has been
adopted for alleviating inequalities in the political and economic scenarios. This
is a method of achieving substantive equality. India has a pluralistic society and
the main forms of discrimination are caste and religion. India being a male
dominated society, sex is also an important basis for inequity. The constitution
swears to not discriminate on any of these grounds and hence we have a
reservation policy for the protection of the interests of all discriminated groups.
The problem arises in targeting this group and meeting the ends for which
reservation is created. In law, there are two principles that have to be complied
with before legislating it. First, there should be a rationale for creating the said
law and second, there should be nexus between the law and the goal sought to
be achieved. The rationale has been justified time and again by our legislators
and people have come to terms with the fact that there is no other way to
subdue discrimination than reservations. But is there a direct link between the
provisions of this policy and the ultimate goal of equality? The answer to this
question keeps changing from time to time and that is what we are trying to
analyze in this paper.
The minorities in India started getting recognized by law through the provision
of communal electorates. This was seen as one of the reasons for the partition of
India and Pakistan, but from the viewpoint of equality, this was one of the first
efforts to bring about political equality and avoid discrimination against
minority communities. The reservation policy in the basis of caste started when
the Simon Commission came to India with the rule of separate electorates and
reservations for depressed classes. But a concrete legislation was passed only
later on after independence when Dr. B.R. Ambedkar fought for the rights of
the SC’s, ST’S and OBC’s. During the constitutional assembly debates, he
supported the cause of backward castes time and again and believed that
reservation policy is the only way to eradicate these disparities. However, the
reservation policy was always a provisional one and not permanent. For years
now, the time limit has been increasing as the government did not feel that the
required amount of equality has been achieved in the social, economic or
political life of people.
The Rationale Of The Present Reservation System:-The question we need to ask
is if the present reservation system is a true reflection of the altruistic
persuasions of the legislators or that of their political interests and/or political
pressures. The truth is that inequality is prevalent everywhere in different
forms. The constitution only provides for or recognizes a part of them. For
example, disability is also grounds for discrimination. However, the limited
reservations made for them are never objected or extended. In public sector, 3%
is the reservation for disabled persons where as it is 27% for OBC’s when in
fact; the percentage of disabled people in India is more than the percentage of
OBC’s. Why is this so? Law is subject to the interpretation of the courts and the
dynamic nature of law finds its sanction in the opinion of the judiciary. But,
courts regularly deal with cases regarding reservations for SC/ST’s or OBC’s or
women, and not for the disabled. Does the meaning of equality change in every
context? To provide “equal opportunities” to the oppressed classes means, to
help them acquire their maximum potential- not to make things easier for them.
This is a lesson one should learn from the history of independent India.
The other issue under the system of reservations is that of the creamy layer. The
distance that we have travelled after enacting reservations has eliminated
certain disparities. Caste no longer can be the sole criterion for detecting
socially backward classes because some of them have achieved economic
status, thereby finding a social standing as well. Thus, in the Mandal
commission case, the court has observed that this particular strata of the society
which they termed as the “creamy layer” should be eliminated from such
reservation policies as it is hampering the goal of the provision. However, what
goes beyond my comprehension is that if a creamy layer exists despite being a
socially backward class, maybe the objective is achieved. The law has different
reasoning to support this policy from time to time but how would we identify
the situation where the “goal” is truly reached. Waiting for absolute equality is
not practical as it is only a utopist situation. Meanwhile resistance is offered by
the classes which are not socially backward, also for the reason of
discrimination. In such a situation what kind of help is the government
providing with the reservation scheme? This is the dilemma that is struck the
entire policy down.
Conclusion:-Majoritarianism is a common vice that persists in a democratic
society. As the government is chosen by the majority and every decision that is
taken depends upon the majority vote, the law tends to favour this majority. But
there are different ways of identifying this majority- educated people,
economically and socially powerful people, people of the forward caste,
Hindus, males, etc. some of these classes might overlap but the essence remains
the same. These are the people who make the law and whom the law favors.
However, in India, the constitution makers wanted to avoid this situation of
hierarchy and majority rule. A true democracy is established when all people
have the same ability to make the decisions regarding the government. For this
reason the reservation policy is adopted to bring this equality in thought and
goals. Reservations by themselves are not unfair, but they become so when the
ground for distinction loses its credibility. In case of India, that is what is
happening, because SC’s, ST’s and OBC’s are not purely classified as socially
backward and a line should be drawn somewhere. The violation of a principle
of equality reduces public confidence in the government. The loss of this
confidence prophecies anarchy and in a pluralistic democracy like ours, its very
important to maintain this fine balance between power and principle. Thus,
reservation maybe a means to achieve equality but if not administered properly,
it can also achieve inequality.
5. Reasonableness of Restrictions
Art. 19 of the constitution of India guarantees to the citizens of India the
following six fundamental freedoms:
(a) Freedom of Speech & Expression
(b) Freedom of Assembly
(c) Freedom to form Associations
(d) Freedom to Movement
(e) Freedom to reside & to Settle
(f) Freedom to Profession, Occupation, Trade & Business
The above freedoms are available only to citizens of India, and cannot be
claimed by a foreigner.
Freedom are not absolute – subject to reasonable restrictions :- These six
freedoms are however, not absolute. Absolute individual rights cannot be
guaranteed by any modern state. An organised society is the precondition of
civil liberties. There cannot be any right which is injurious to the community as
a whole. If people were given complete and absolute liberty without any social
control the result would be ruin. Liberty has got to be limited in order to be
effectively possessed. For liberty of one must not offend the liberty of others.
Justice Patanjalishastri in A.K. Gopalanvs State of madras, AIR 1951 SC
21observed, “man as a rational being desires to do many things, but in a civil
society his desires have to be controlled, regulated and reconciled with the
exercise of similar desires by other individuals.” The guarantee of each of the
above right is, therefore, restricted by the Constitution itself by conferring upon
the state a power to impose by law reasonable restrictions as may be necessary
in the larger interest of community. The restriction on these freedoms are
provided in clauses 2 to 6 of Art. 19 of the Constitution.
The restriction which may be imposed under any of the clauses must be
reasonable restriction. The restriction cannot be arbitrary. Hence a restriction to
be constitutionally valid it must satisfy the following two tests:-
(1) The restriction must be for the purposes mentioned in class 2 to 6 of Art. 19;
(2) The restriction must be reasonable restriction.
Test of ‘Reasonable Restriction’:- the restriction on the rights under Art. 19(1)
can only be imposed by a law’ and not executive or departmental
instructions.The phrase “reasonable restrictions” in Art. 19(6) means that the
restrictions imposed on a person in the enjoyment of his right should not be
arbitrary or of an excessive nature, beyond what is required in the interest of the
public. The SC has laid down the following guidelines for determining the
reasonableness of restrictions.
(1) It is the courts and not the legislature which has to judge finally whether a
restriction is reasonable or not.
(2) The term ‘reasonable restriction’ in Art. 19(6) connotes that the limitation
imposed on a person in the enjoyment of his right should not be arbitrary or
of an excessive nature, beyond what is actually required in the interest of the
public. The word ‘reasonable’ implies intelligent care and deliberation, that
is, the choice, of a course which reasonably dictate.
(3) There is no exact standard or general pattern of reasonableness that can be
laid down for all cases. Each case is to be judged on its own merits. The
standard varies with the nature of the right infringed, the underlying purpose
of the restrictions imposed, the extent and the urgency of the evil sought to
be remedied, the disproportion, of the imposition, the prevailing condition at
the time. These factors have to be taken into consideration for any judicial
verdict.
(4) The restriction must be reasonable from the substantive as well as procedural
standpoint. The court should consider not only the duration and extent of the
restriction but also the circumstances under which, and the manner in which
that imposition has been authorized.
(5) A restriction which is imposed for securing the objects and laid down in the
DPSP may be regarded as reasonable restriction.
(6) The court must determine the reasonableness of restriction by objective
standard and not by subjective one. In other words, the question is not if the
court feels the restriction to be reasonable but where a normal reasonable
man would regard the restriction to be reasonable.
(7) A restriction to be reasonable must have a rational relation with the object
which the legislature seeks to achieve and must not be in excess of that
object.
(8) It is the reasonableness of restriction which is to be determined by the court
and not the reasonableness of the law. The court has only to see whether the
restrictions imposed on citizens rights are reasonable.
(9) Restrictions may also amount to prohibition under certain circumstances.
Thus, a law depriving a citizen of his fundamental right may be regarded as
reasonable restrictions, if it prohibits him to carry out dangerous trades such
as that of trade in liquor or cultivation of narcotic plants or trafficking in
women.
Rights available to citizen only:- The rights guaranteed by Art. 19 are available
only to citizens and not to an alien or a foreigner. A foreigner is not a citizen of
India and therefore he cannot claim a right u/Art. 19.
Union of India vs Naveen Jindal: (2004)2 SCC 476, held that right to unfurl
the national flag freely with respect and dignity is a fundamental right of a
citizen within the meaning of Art. 19(1)(a) of the constitution, being an
expression and manifestation of his allegiance and feelings and sentiments of
pride for the nation. But the same is not an absolute right but a qualified one
subject to reasonable restrictions under clause (2) of Art. 19. The Emblems and
Names (prevention of Improper use) Act, 1950 and the prevention of insults to
National Honour Acr, 1971 regulate the use of the national flag.
6. Right to life and personal liberty
Introduction:-The Constitution of India provides Fundamental Rights under
Chapter III. These rights are guaranteed by the constitution. One of these rights
is provided under article 21 which reads as follows:-
Article 21. Protection Of Life And Personal Liberty: No person shall be
deprived of his life or personal liberty except according to procedure
established by law.
Though the phraseology of Article 21 starts with negative word but the word
No has been used in relation to the word deprived. The object of the
fundamental right under Article 21 is to prevent encroachment upon personal
liberty and deprivation of life except according to procedure established by law.
It clearly means that this fundamental right has been provided against state
only. If an act of private individual amounts to encroachment upon the personal
liberty ordeprivation of life of other person. Such violation would not fall under
the parameters set for the Article 21. in such a case the remedy for aggrieved
person would be either under Article 226 of the constitution or under general
law. But, where an act of private individual supported by the state infringes the
personal liberty or life of another person, the act will certainly come under the
ambit of Article 21. Article 21 of the Constitution deals with prevention of
encroachment upon personal liberty or deprivation of life of a person.
The state cannot be defined in a restricted sense. It includes Government
Departments, Legislature, Administration, Local Authorities exercising
statutory powers and so on so forth, but it does not include non-statutory or
private bodies having no statutory powers. For example: company, autonomous
body and others. Therefore, the fundamental right guaranteed under Article 21
relates only to the acts of State or acts under the authority of the State which are
not according to procedureestablished by law. The main object of Article 21 is
that before a person is deprived of his life or personal liberty by the State, the
procedure established by law must be strictly followed. Right to Life means the
right to lead meaningful, complete and dignified life. It does not have restricted
meaning. It is something more than surviving or animal existence. The meaning
of the word life cannot be narrowed down and it will be available not only to
every citizen of the country . As far as Personal Liberty is concerned, it means
freedom from physical restraint of the person by personal incarceration or
otherwise and it includes all the varieties of rights other than those provided
under Article 19 of the Constitution. Procedure established by Law means the
law enacted by the State. Deprived has also wide range of meaning under the
Constitution. These ingredients are the soul of this provision. The fundamental
right under Article 21 is one of the most important rights provided under the
Constitution which has been described as heart of fundamental rights by the
Apex Court.
The scope of Article 21 was a bit narrow till 50s as it was held by the Apex
Court in Gopalans case that the contents and subject matter of Article 21 and
19 (1) (d) are not identical and they proceed on total principles. In this case the
word deprivation was construed in a narrow sense and it was held that the
deprivation does not restrict upon the right to move freely which came under
Article 19 (1) (d). at that time Gopalans case was the leading case in respect of
Article 21 along with some other Articles of the Constitution, but post Gopalan
case the scenario in respect of scope of Article 21 has been expanded or
modified gradually through different decisions of the Apex Court and it was
held that interference with the freedom of a person at home or restriction
imposed on a person while in jail would require authority of law. Whether the
reasonableness of a penal law can be examined with reference to Article 19,
was the point in issue after Gopalan’s case in the case of Maneka Gandhi v.
Union of India , the Apex Court opened up a new dimension and laid down
that the procedure cannot be arbitrary, unfair or unreasonable one. Article 21
imposed a restriction upon the state where it prescribed a procedure for
depriving a person of his life or personal liberty. This view has been further
relied upon in a case of Francis Coralie Mullin v. The Administrator, Union
Territory of Delhi and others as follows: Article 21 requires that no one shall
be deprived of his life or personal liberty except by procedure established by
law and this procedure must be reasonable, fair and just and not arbitrary,
whimsical or fanciful. The law of preventive detention has therefore now to
pass the test not only for Article 22, but also of Article 21 and if the
constitutional validity of any such law is challenged, the court would have to
decide whether the procedure laid down by such law for depriving a person of
his personal liberty is reasonable, fair and just. In another case of Olga Tellis
and others v. Bombay Municipal Corporation and others , it was further
observed : Just as a mala fide act has no existence in the eye of law, even so,
unreasonablenessvitiates law and procedure alike. It is therefore essential that
the procedure prescribed by law for depriving a person of his fundamental right
must conform the norms of justice and fair play. Procedure, which is just or
unfair in the circumstances of a case, attracts the vice of unreasonableness,
thereby vitiating the law which prescribes that procedure and consequently, the
action taken under it.As stated earlier, the protection of Article 21 is wide
enough and it was further widened in the case of BandhuaMuktiMorcha v.
Union of India and others in respect of bonded labour and weaker section of
the society. It lays down as follows:Article 21 assures the right to live with
human dignity, free from exploitation. The state is under a constitutional
obligation to see that there is no violation of the fundamental right of any
person, particularly when he belongs to the weaker section of the community
and is unable to wage a legal battle against a strong and powerful opponent who
is exploiting him. Both the Central Government and the State Government are
therefore bound to ensure observance of the various social welfare and labour
laws enacted by Parliament for the purpose of securing to the workmen a life of
basic human dignity in compliance with the directive principles of the state
policy.
The meaning of the word life includes the right to live in fair and reasonable
conditions, right to rehabilitation after release, right to live hood by legal means
and decent environment. The expanded scope of Article 21 has been explained
by the Apex Court in the case of Unni Krishnan v. State of A.P. and the Apex
Court itself provided the list of some of the rights covered under Article 21 on
the basis of earlier pronouncements and some of them are listed below:
(1) The right to go abroad.
(2) The right to privacy.
(3) The right against solitary confinement.
(4) The right against hand cuffing.
(5) The right against delayed execution.
(6) The right to shelter.
(7) The right against custodial death.
(8) The right against public hanging.
(9) Doctors assistance.
It was observed in UnniKrishnans case that Article 21 is the heart of
Fundamental Rights and it has extended the Scope of Article 21 by observing
that the life includes the education as well as, as the right to education flows
from the right to life.
As a result of expansion of the scope of Article 21, the Public Interest
Litigations in respect of children in jail being entitled to special protection,
health hazards due to pollution and harmful drugs, housing for beggars,
immediate medical aid to injured persons, starvation deaths, the right to know,
the right to open trial, inhuman conditions in aftercare home have found place
under it. Through various judgments the Apex Court also included many of the
non-justifiable Directive Principles embodied under part IV of the Constitution
and some of the examples are as under:(a) Right to pollution free water and air.
(b) Protection of under-trial.
(c) Right of every child to a full development.
(d) Protection of cultural heritage.
Maintenance and improvement of public health, improvement of means of
communication, providing human conditions in prisons, maintaining hygienic
condition in slaughter houses have also been included in the expanded scope of
Article 21. this scope further has been extended even to innocent hostages
detained by militants in shrine who are beyond the control of the state.
The Apex Court in the case of S.S. Ahuwalia v. Union of India and others it
was held that in the expanded meaning attributed to Article 21 of the
Constitution, it is the duty of the State to create a climate where members of the
society belonging to different faiths, caste and creed live together and,
therefore, the State has a duty to protect their life, liberty, dignity and worth of
an individual which should not be jeopardized or endangered. If in any
circumstance the state is not able to do so, then it cannot escape the liability to
pay compensation to the family of the person killed during riots as his or her
life has been extinguished in clear violation of Article 21 of the Constitution.
While dealing with the provision of Article 21 in respect of personal liberty,
Hon’ble Supreme Court put some restrictions in a case of Javed and others v.
State of Hariyana, AIR 2003 SC 3057 as follows: at the very outset we are
constrained to observe that the law laid down by this court in the decisions
relied on either being misread or read divorced of the context. The test of
reasonableness is not a wholly subjective test and its contours are fairly
indicated by the Constitution. The requirement of reasonableness runs like a
golden thread through the entire fabric of fundamental rights. The lofty ideals of
social and economic justice, the advancement of the nation as a whole and the
philosophy of distributive justice- economic, social and political- cannot be
given a go-by in the name of undue stress on fundamental rights and individual
liberty. Reasonableness and rationality, legally as well as philosophically,
provide colour to the meaning of fundamental rights and these principles are
deducible from those very decisions which have been relied on by the learned
counsel for the petitioners.
The Apex Court led a great importance on reasonableness and rationality of the
provision and it is pointed out that in the name of undue stress on Fundamental
Rights and Individual Liberty, the ideals of social and economic justice cannot
be given a go-by. Thus it is clear that the provision Article 21 was constructed
narrowly at the initial stage but the law in respect of life and personal liberty of
a person was developed gradually and a liberal interpretation was given to these
words. New dimensions have been added to the scope of Article21 from time to
time. It imposed a limitation upon a procedure which prescribed for depriving a
person of life and personal liberty by saying that the procedure which
prescribed for depriving a person of life and personal liberty by saying that the
procedure must be reasonable, fair and such law should not be arbitrary,
whimsical and fanciful. The interpretation which has been given to the words
life and personal liberty in various decisions of the Apex Court, it can be said
that the protection of life and personal liberty has got multi-dimensional
meaning and any arbitrary, whimsical and fanciful act of the State which
deprived the life or personal liberty of a person would be against the provision
of Article 21 of the Constitution.
7. Right to health u/Art. 21
the Supreme Court has brought the right to health under the preview of Article
21. The scope of this provision is very wide. It prescribes for the right of life
and personal liberty. The concept of personal liberty comprehended many
rights, related to indirectly to life or liberty of a person. And now a person can
claim his right of health. Thus, the right to health, along with numerous other
civil, political and economic rights, is afforded protection under the Indian
Constitution.
The debate surrounding the implementation of the human right to health is fresh
and full of possibility for the developing world. In fact, Indian has been able to
create a legal mechanism whereby right to health can be protect and enforced.
The early of 1970s, witnessed a watershed in human rights litigation with the
keshwanandbhartiVs State of kerala, ushering in a unprecedented period of
progressive jurisprudence following the recognition fundamental rights. At the
same time standing rules were relaxed in order to promote PIL and access to
justice. So there were two developments in 1980s, which led to a marked
increase in health related litigation. First was the establishment of consumer
courts that made it cheaper and speedier to sue doctors for medical negligence.
Second, the growth of PIL and one of this offshoots being recognition of health
care as a fundamental right. Through PIL the Supreme Court has allowed
individual citizen to approach the court directly for the protection of their
Constitutional human rights.
The Constitution guarantees the some fundamental rights having a bearing on
health care. Article 21deal with “No person shall be deprived of his life or
personal liberty except according to procedure established by law.” Right to
live means something more, than more animal existence and includes the right
to live consistently with human dignity and decency.
In 1995, the Supreme Court held that right to health and medical care is a
fundamental right covered by Article 21 since health is essential for making the
life of workmen meaningful and purposeful and compatible with personal
dignity. The state has an obligation under Article 21 to safeguard the right to
life of every person, preservation of human life being of paramount importance.
The Supreme Court has in the case of ParmanandKatravs Union of India, held
that whether the patient be an innocent person or be a criminal liable to
punishment under the law, it is the obligation of those who are in charge of the
health of the community to preserve life so that innocent may be protected and
the guilty may be punished.
Article 23 is indirectly related to health. Article 23(1) prohibits traffic in human
beings. It is well known that traffic in women leads to prostitution, which in
turn is to major factor in spread of AIDS. Article 24 is relating to child labour it
deal with “No child below the age of 14 years shall be employed to work in any
factory or mine or engaged in any other hazardous employment.” Thus this
article is of direct relevance to child health.
In addition to constitutional remedies sensitizing of the relevant ordering law
towards later health for all adds to the content of right to health. Legal
prohibition of commercialized transplantation of human organ and effective
application of consumer protection act to deal with deficient medical services
have animated right to health.
Judicial Response: – with the recognition that both the Indian Constitution and
the fundamental right of life emphasize human dignity, began to address the
importance of health to Indian citizen. In the DPSP, Art.47 declares that the
State shall regard the level of nutrition and the standard of living of its people
and the improvement of public health as among its primary duties. Since DPSP
are not enforceable by the court, implementation of the guarantee has remained
illusory.[19] However, in a series of cases dealing with the substantive content
of the right to life, the court has found that the right live with human dignity
including right to good health. In Consumer Education and Research Center v.
UOI, the Court explicitly held that the right to health was an integral factor of a
meaningful right to life. The court held that the right to health and medical care
is a fundamental right under Article 21. The Supreme Court, while examining
the issue of the constitutional right to health care under arts 21, 41 and 47 of the
Constitution of India in State of Punjab v Ram LubhayaBagga, observed that
the right of one person correlates to a duty upon another, individual, employer,
government or authority. Hence, the right of a citizen to live under art 21 casts
and obligation on the state. This obligation is further reinforced under art 47; it
is for the state to secure health to its citizens as its primary duty. No doubt the
government is rendering this obligation by opening government hospitals and
health centers, but to be meaningful, they must be within the reach of its people,
and of sufficient liquid quality. Since it is one of the most sacrosanct and
valuable rights of a citizen, and an equally sacrosanct and sacred obligation of
the state, every citizen of this welfare state looks towards the state to perform
this obligation with top priority, including by way of allocation of sufficient
funds. This in turn will not only secure the rights of its citizens to their
satisfaction, but will benefit the state in achieving its social, political and
economic goals.
Right to Health Care as a Fundamental Right: – The Supreme Court, in
PaschimBangaKhetmazdoorSamity&ors v. State of West Bengal &ors, while
widening the scope of art 21 and the government’s responsibility to provide
medical aid to every person in the country, held that in a welfare state, the
primary duty of the government is to secure the welfare of the people.
Providing adequate medical facilities for the people is an obligation undertaken
by the government in a welfare state. The government discharges this obligation
by providing medical care to the persons seeking to avail of those facilities.
Article 21 imposes an obligation on the state to safeguard the right to life of
every person. Preservation of human life is thus of paramount importance. The
government hospitals run by the state are duty bound to extend medical
assistance for preserving human life. Failure on the part of a government
hospital to provide timely medical treatment to a person in need of such
treatment, results in violation of his right to life guaranteed under Article21.
The Court made certain additional direction in respect of serious medical cases:
a. Adequate facilities be provided at the public health centers where the
patient can be given basic treatment and his condition stabilized.
b. Hospitals at the district and sub divisional level should be upgraded so
that serious cases be treated there.
c. Facilities for given specialist treatment should be increased and having
regard to the growing needs, it must be made available at the district and sub
divisional level hospitals.
d. In order to ensure availability of bed in any emergency at State level
hospitals, there should be a centralized communication system so that the
patient can be sent immediately to the hospital where bed is available in respect
of the treatment, which is required.
e. Proper arrangement of ambulance should be made for transport of a
patient from the public health center to the State hospital.
f. Ambulance should be adequately provided with necessary equipments
and medical personnel.
Workers right to health care facilities: – The Supreme Court has recognized the
rights of the workers and their right to basic health facilities under the
Constitution, as well as under the international conventions to which India is a
party. In its path breaking judgment in BandhuaMuktiMorcha v Union of
India, the court delineated the scope of art 21 of the Constitution, and held that
it is the fundamental right of every one in this country, assured under the
interpretation given to art 21 by this court in Francis Mullin’s Case to live with
human dignity, free from exploitation. This right to live with human dignity
enshrined in art 21 derives its life breath from the directive principles of state
policy and particularly clause (e) and (f) of art 39 and arts 41 and 42. It must
include protection of the health and strength of workers, men and women; and
children of tender age against abuse; opportunities and facilities for children to
develop in a healthy manner and in conditions of freedom and dignity;
educational facilities; just and humane conditions of work and maternity relief.
These are the minimum requirements, which must exist in order to enable a
person to live with human dignity. No state, neither the central government nor
any state government, has the right to take any action which will deprive a
person of the enjoyment of these basic essentials.InCESE Ltd v Subhash
Chandra Bose, the court held that, the health and strength of a worker is an
integral facet of the right to life. The aim of fundamental rights is to create an
egalitarian society to free all citizens from coercion or restrictions by society
and to make liberty available for all. The court, while reiterating its stand for
providing health facilities in Vincent v Union of India, held that a healthy body
is the very foundation for all human activities. In a welfare state, therefore, it is
the obligation of the state to ensure the creation and the sustaining of conditions
congenial to good health.
Right to Health is a Fundamental Right: In CESC Ltd. vs. Subash Chandra
Bose, the Supreme Court relied on international instruments and concluded that
right to health is a fundamental right. It went further and observed that health is
not merely absence of sickness: “The term health implies more than an absence
of sickness. Medical care and health facilities not only protect against sickness
but also ensure stable manpower for economic development. Facilities of health
and medical care generate devotion and dedication to give the workers’ best,
physically as well as mentally, in productivity. It enables the worker to enjoy
the fruit of his labour, to keep him physically fit and mentally alert for leading a
successful economic, social and cultural life. The medical facilities are,
therefore, part of social security and like gilt edged security, it would yield
immediate return in the increased production or at any rate reduce absenteeism
on grounds of sickness, etc.
Environment Pollution is linked to Health and is violation of right to life with
dignity: In T. Ramakrishna Rao vs. Hyderabad Development Authority, the
Andhra Pradesh High Court observed: Protection of the environment is not only
the duty of the citizens but also the obligation of the State and it’s all other
organs including the Courts. The enjoyment of life and its attainment and
fulfilment guaranteed by Article 21 of the Constitution embraces the protection
and preservation of nature’s gift without which life cannot be enjoyed fruitfully.
The slow poisoning of the atmosphere caused by the environmental pollution
and spoliation should be regarded as amounting to violation of Article 21 of the
Constitution of India.
It is therefore, as held by this Court speaking through P.A, Choudary, J., in T.
DamodarRao and others vs. Special Officer, Municipal Corporation of
Hyderabad, the legitimate duty of the Courts as the enforcing organs of the
constitutional objectives to forbid all actions of the State and the citizens from
upsetting the ecological and environmental balance. In Virender Gaur vs. State
of Haryana, the Supreme Court held that environmental, ecological, air and
water pollution, etc., should be regarded as amounting to violation of right to
health guaranteed by Article 21 of the Constitution. It is right to state that
hygienic environment is an integral facet of the right to healthy life and it would
not be possible to live with human dignity without a humane and healthy
environment. In Consumer Education and Research Centre vs. Union of
India, Kirloskar Brothers Ltd. vs. Employees’ State Insurance Corporation,
the Supreme Court held that right to health and medical care is a fundamental
fight under Article 21 read with Article 39(e), 41 and 43. In Subhash Kumar
vs. State of Bihar, the Supreme Court held that right to pollution-free water and
air is an enforceable fundamental right guaranteed under Article 21. Similarly
in Shantistar Builders v. Narayan KhimalalTotame, the Supreme Court opined
that the right to decent environment is covered by the right guaranteed under
Article 21. Further, in M.C. Mehta vs. Union of India, Rural Litigation and
Entitlement Kendra v. State of U.P., Subhash Kumar vs. State of Bihar , the
Supreme Court imposed a positive obligation upon the State to take steps for
ensuring to the individual a better enjoyment of life and dignity and for
elimination of water and air pollution. It is also relevant to notice as per the
judgment of the Supreme Court in Vincent Panikurlangara vs. Union of India,
Unnikrishnan, JP vs. State of A.P. The maintenance and improvement of
public health is the duty of the State to fulfill its constitutional obligations cast
on it under Article 21 of the Constitution.
8. Right to Privacy
The right to privacy presents itself as an illustration of the interpretative
capabilities of the higher judiciary, as well as a right emanating as a
consequence of the larger process of widening the ambit of specifically
enumerated fundamental rights. which shall be critically examined in the
context of the Supreme Court’s ruling in the case of KharakSingh v. State of
Punjab. The literal meaning of privacy, as defined in the New Oxford English
Dictionary3 is the ‘absence or avoidance of publicity or display; the state or
condition from being withdrawn from the society of others, or from public
interest; seclusion.’ The Black’s Law Dictionary refers to privacy as “the right
to be let alone; the right of a person to be free from unwarranted publicity; and
the right to live without unwarranted interference by the public in matters with
which the public is not necessarily concerned”. Therefore, the right to privacy,
notwithstanding its differing connotations, remains a private right of an
individual.Privacy as a concept involves what privacy entails and how it is to be
valued. Privacy as aright involves the extent to which privacy is (and should be
legally protected). “ The lawdoes not determine what privacy is, but only what
situations of privacy will be affordedlegal protection”. It is interesting to note
that the common law does not know a generalright of privacy and the Indian
Parliament has so far been reluctant to enact one.
Judicial Activism: The Right to Privacy:-The role of the Judiciary. Judicial
activism has brought the Right to Privacy within the realm of Fundamental
Rights. Article 141 of the Constitution states that “the law declared by the
Supreme Court shall be binding on all courts within the territory of India.”
Therefore, the decisions of The Supreme Court of India become the Law of the
Land.The Supreme Court of India has come to the rescue of common citizen,
time and again byconstruing “right to privacy” as a part of the Fundamental
Right to “protection of life andpersonal liberty” under Article 21 of the
Constitution, which states “no person shall be deprived of his life or personal
liberty except according to procedures established by law”. In the context of
personal liberty, the Supreme Court has observed “those who feel called upon
to deprive other persons of their personal liberty in the discharge of what they
conceive to be their duty must strictly and scrupulously observe the forms and
rules of the law”.Even the fundamental right “to freedom of speech and
expression” as enumerated inArticle 19(1)(a) of the Constitution of India comes
with reasonable restrictions imposedby the State relating to (i) defamation; (ii)
contempt of court; (iii) decency or morality;(iv) security of the State; (v)
friendly relations with foreign states; (vi) incitement to anoffence; (vii) public
order; (viii) maintenance of the sovereignty and integrity of India.Thus, the
right to privacy is limited against defamation, decency or morality.The Supreme
Court has reiterated the Right to Privacy in the following cases:
1. Kharak Singh v. State of UP.In this case the appellant was being harassed by
police under Regulation 236(b) of UP Police Regulation, which permits
domiciliary visits at night. The Supreme Court held that the Regulation 236 is
unconstitutional and violative of Article 21. It concluded that the Article 21 of
the Constitution includes “right to privacy” as a part of the right to “protection
of life and personal liberty”. The Court equated ‘personal liberty’ with
‘privacy’, and observed, that “the concept of liberty in Article 21 was
comprehensive enough to include privacy and that a person’s house, where he
lives with his family is his ‘castle’ and that nothing is more deleterious to a
man’s physical happiness and health than a calculated interference with his
privacy”.
2. Gobind v. State of M.P. is another case on domiciliary visits. The Supreme
Court laiddown that “ …………privacy-dignity claims deserve to be examined
with care and to bedenied only when an important countervailing interest is
shown to be superior. If theCourt does find that a claimed right is entitled to
protection as a fundamental privacyright, a law infringing it must satisfy the
compelling State interest test………”
3. State v. Charulata Joshi the Supreme Court held that “the constitutional
right to freedom of speech and expression conferred by Article 19(1)(a) of the
Constitution whichincludes the freedom of the press is not an absolute right.
The press must first obtain the willingness of the person sought to be
interviewed and no court can pass any order if theperson to be interviewed
expresses his unwillingness”.
4. R. Rajagopal v. State of Tamil Nadu, the Supreme Court held that the
petitioners have a right to publish what they allege to be the life-
story/autobiography of Auto Shankar insofar as it appears from the public
records, even without his consent or Authorization. But if they go beyond that
and publish his life story, they may be invading his right to privacy, then they
will be liable for the consequences in accordance with law. Similarly, the State
or its officials cannot prevent or restraint the said publication. It Stated that “A
citizen has a right to safeguard the privacy of his own, his family, marriage,
procreation, motherhood, child bearing and education among other matters.
None can publish anything concerning the above matters without his consent-
whether truthful or otherwise and whether laudatory or critical. If he does so, he
would be violating the right to privacy of the person concerned and would be
liable in an action for damages…….”
5. People’s Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL) v. Union of India, the Supreme
Court heldthat the telephone tapping by Government under S. 5(2) of Telegraph
Act, 1885 amountsinfraction of Article 21 of the Constitution of India. Right to
privacy is a part of the rightto “life” and “personal liberty” enshrined under
Article 21 of the Constitution. The saidright cannot be curtailed “except
according to procedure established by law”.
6. In Mr. ‘X’ v. Hospital ‘Z’ for the first time the Supreme Court articulated on
sensitivedata related to health. In this case, the appellant’s blood test was
conducted at the respondent’s hospital and he was found to be HIV (+). His
marriage, which was alreadysettled, was called off after this revelation. Several
persons including the members of hisfamily and those belonging to their
community came to know of his HIV (+) status and was ostracized by the
community. He approached the National Commission against the respondent
hospital claiming damages from them for disclosing information about his
health, which, by norms of ethics, according to him, ought to have been kept
confidential. The National Commission summarily dismissed his complaint.
Consequently he moved the Supreme Court by way of an appeal. The appellant
argued that the principle of ‘duty of care’ as applicable to persons in medical
profession also included the duty to maintain confidentiality and that since this
duty was violated by the respondents, they were liable to pay damages. “Right
of privacy may, apart from contract, also arise out of a particular specific
relationship, which may be commercial, matrimonial, or even political. Doctor-
patient relationship, though basically commercial, is professionally, a matter of
confidence and, therefore, doctors are morally and ethically bound to maintain
confidentiality.” It however, held that although it was the basic principle of
jurisprudence that ‘every Right has a correlative Duty and every Duty has a
correlative Right’, the rule was not absolute and was ‘subject to certain
exceptions’ in the sense that ‘a person may have a Right, but there may not be
correlative Duty, and the instant case fell within exceptions. The court observed
that even the Code of Medical Ethics carved out an exception to the rule of
confidentiality and permitted the disclosure in certain circumstances ‘under
which public interest would override the duty of confidentiality’ particularly
where there is ‘an immediate or future health risk to others’. According to the
court, the ‘right to confidentiality, if any, vested in the appellant was not
enforceable in the present situation, as the proposed marriage carried with it the
health risk from being infected with the communicable disease from which the
appellant suffered. As regards the argument of the appellant that his right to
privacy had been infringed by the respondents by disclosing that he was HIV
(+) and, therefore, they were liable in damages, the Supreme Court observed
that as one of the basic human rights, the right of privacy was not treated as
absolute and was ‘subject to such action as may be lawfully taken for the
prevention of crime or disorder or protection of health or morals or protection
of rights and freedom of others.”
7. District Registrar and Collector v. Canara Bank, it was held, that “exclusion
of illegitimate intrusions into privacy depends on the nature of the right being
asserted andthe way in which it is brought into play; it is at this point that the
context becomes crucial, to inform substantive judgment. If these factors are
relevant for defining the rightto privacy, they are quite relevant whenever there
is invasion of that right by way of searches and seizures at the instance of the
State.”If one follows the judgments given by the Hon’ble Supreme Court, three
themes emerge18:
(1) that the individual’s right to privacy exists and any unlawful invasion of
privacy would make the ‘offender’ liable for the consequences in accordance
with law;
(2) that there is constitutional recognition given to the right of privacy which
protects personal privacy against unlawful governmental invasion;
(3) that the person’s “right to be let alone” is not an absolute right and may be
lawfully restricted for the prevention of crime, disorder or protection of health
or morals or protection of rights and freedom of others;
Tracing the Right to Privacy in India:-In the celebrated case of ADM Jabalpur
v. ShivakantShukla, the Supreme Court sought to determine if the right to
personal liberty is limited by any limitations other than those expressly
contained in the Constitution and statute law. As observed by Khanna J:
“Article 21 is not the sole repository of the right to personal liberty…..no one
shall be deprived of his life and personal liberty without the authority of laws
follows not merely from common law, it flows equally from statutory law like
the penal law in force in India.” This establishes that the right to privacy need
not be expressly guaranteed, but may be implicit because of its inclusion in
common law. The Supreme Court in recent years through judicial activism has
preferred to “read into” the Constitution a fundamental right to privacy by a
creative interpretation of the right to life guaranteed under Article 21.
Privacy and Data Protection:-Privacy is closely connected to Data Protection.
An individual’s data like his name address, telephone numbers, profession,
family, choices, etc. are often available at various places like schools, colleges,
banks, directories, surveys and on various web sites. Passing on such
information to interested parties can lead to intrusion in privacy like incessant
marketing calls.It would be a misnomer to say that India does not have ‘data
protection’ legislation at all.This is factually wrong. The fact is that there exists
data protection legislation in India. The subject matter of data protection and
privacy has been dealt within the InformationTechnology Act, 2000 but not in
an exclusive manner. Data protection is not a subject in any of the three lists in
Schedule VII of the Constitution of India. But Entry 97 of List 1 states: “any
other matter not enumerated in List II and List III …….” Thus only the Indian
Parliament is competent to legislate on data protection since it can be
interpreted as any other matter not enumerated in List II and List III. Data
protection is, thus, a Central subject and only the Central Government is
competent to frame legislations on issues dealing with data protection. In fact,
the Information Technology Act, 2000, enacted by the Indian Parliament is the
first legislation, which contains provisions on data protection. Tracing the
Origins of the Right to Privacy in India.The struggle to specifically incorporate
privacy as a specific fundamental right under the Constitution is substantially
attributable, in large measure, to the rather amorphous character of this right. In
the case of M.P. Sharma v. Satish Chandra wherein the contours of the
police’s powers of search and surveillance were outlined, it was held that there
is no right to privacy under the Constitution. In reaching this conclusion, the
Supreme Court preferred to base its interpretation in a rather narrow sense,
limiting itself to simply the prescribed statutory regulations. This represented
the prevailing judicial approach of simply limiting interpretation, along
positivist lines. Therefore, the Court concluded that it lacked the justification to
import [privacy] into a totally different fundamental right, by some process of
strained construction. Thus the courts adopted a narrow and formalistic
approach by pointing to the absence of a specific constitutional provision
analogous to the Fourth Amendment of the US constitution, to protect the right
of privacy of Indians from unlawful searches. This ruling has been followed
nearly a decade later, in the case of Kharak Singh v. State of Punjab, wherein
the right to privacy was again invoked to challenge police surveillance of an
accused person. The contention raised is that the right to privacy may be
identified in the “personal liberty” as contained in Article 21. Citing with
approval the observations of Field, J in Munn v Illinois, it referred to the fifth
and fourteenth amendment of the American Constitution and other American
and English judgments of Wolf v. Colorado24 and Semayne’s Case. In
widening the scope of liberty under Article 21, the Court held that “personal
liberty” is contained in Article 21 as a “compendious term to include within
itself all varieties of rights which go to make up the personal liberty of man
other than those dealt with in several clauses of Article 19(1).” However,
notwithstanding this, it concluded that this right to privacy is not in existence
under the Constitution, with Ayyangar, J laying down that: “The right of
privacy is not guaranteed under our Constitution and therefore the attempt to
ascertain the movements of an individual which is merely a manner in which
privacy is invaded is not an infringement of fundamental right guaranteed by
Part III”. As in the M.P. Sharma case, the Supreme Court appears to be
influenced by the absence of any provision similar to that of a prohibition on
unreasonable search and seizure as is available under the Fourth Amendment of
the US Constitution. Thus the majority erred in regarding “prohibition on
unreasonable search and seizure” as the only facet of privacy. It remains
surprising as to how the Court arrived at the conclusion that secret surveillance
is not unconstitutional and violative of personal liberty. It is also not clear how
the Court came to the conclusion that secret surveillance was not
unconstitutional and did not violate personal liberty, but at the same time
quoted in a positive light Semayne’s case and opined that “the house to
everyone is to him as his castle and fortress”. Taking a more holistic view of the
scheme of protection afforded by Part III, the minority found that all acts of
surveillance under the impugned Regulations offended Articles 21 and 19(1)
(d), as movement under the shroud of police surveillance cannot be described as
free movement within the meaning of the constitution. Thus the minority
judgment found the clauses authorizing “surveillance” as unconstitutional as
they believed that even thought there did not exist an express right to “privacy”
in the Constitution, such a right was built into the very fabric of Article 21 and
secondly, they were of the opinion that “the right to move freely” implied the
right to move free from psychological impediments, which obviously cannot be
the case if one knows he is under surveillance. However, even the minority
ruling rejects recognition of the right to privacy, although it concluded that the
acts of surveillance are unconstitutional. At this point, it is pertinent to
remember that the rationale on which the majority ruling is based in the Kharak
Singh case is that the rights contained in Article 19 are not contained in Article
21, which has been rejected following the Supreme Court’s ruling in the
celebrated Maneka Gandhi case, wherein a Bench of the Supreme Court held,
while referring to its earlier ruling in the Kharak Singh case:
“In our view this is not the correct approach. Both are independent fundamental
rights, though they are overlapping. The fundamental right to life and personal
liberty has many attributes and some of them are found in Article 19.”31
The majority opinion in the Kharak Singh case relied upon the theory of
“carving out” in Article 21 the residue of the elements of personal liberty
excluded in the ambit of Article 19(1). In rejecting this, subsequent rulings of
the Supreme Court proceeded to detail upon the different manifestation of
personal liberties as contained in both constitutional provisions, because of
which Article 21 could not be treated as a residual provision. This judicial
approach resonates the Supreme Court’s categorical rejection of the right to
strike in the All India Bank Employees Association case, wherein it held that
even upon a liberal interpretation of Article 19(1), it cannot be concluded that
trade unions are guaranteed the right to strike. In a similar manner, there is no
implied right to privacy, thereby reinforcing the plea that the right to privacy
ought to be clearly articulated. The Supreme Court, a decade later, examined
the existence and scope of the fundamental right to privacy. In Govind v State
of MP the Supreme Court, again adjudicating upon the question of the
constitutionality of police surveillance, side-stepped the rationale underlying the
earlier rulings in M.P. Sharma and Kharak Singh. Tracing the origin of the
right in the presumed intention of the framers of the Constitution, the court,
speaking through Matthew J. said:
“There can be no doubt that the makers of our Constitution wanted to ensure
conditions favourable to the pursuit of happiness. They certainly realized, as
Brandeis, J. said in his dissent in Olmstead v. US, the significance of man’s
Spiritual nature, of his feelings and his intellect (...). They sought to protect
[Individual] in their beliefs, thoughts, their emotions and their sensations.
Therefore they must be deemed to have conferred upon the individual as against
the government a sphere where he should be let alone”. The Supreme Court,
while accepting the unifying principle underlying the concept of privacy, noted
that the fundamental nature of the right is implicit in the concept of ordered
liberty. Substantiated by recent rulings of the US Supreme Court, the judicial
approach remained that there exists a penumbra or zone of privacy in terms of
the different guarantees afforded by Part III of the Constitution of India, thereby
anchoring the right of privacy in India’s constitutional jurisprudence. However,
remaining cautious, the Supreme Court also observed that in the absence of any
legislative enactment, this right will pass through a “case-by-case
development”.
The Supreme Court’s ruling in the Govind case was rendered by a Bench
consisting of three judges, although rather contradictory to that as held by a
Bench of six judges in the Kharak Singh case, hereinbefore referred to.
Interestingly, the ruling in the Govind case fails to refer to earlier decisions on
privacy, because of which it is possible to contend if the law as laid down in
this case is valid, as it appears to be contrary to the ruling in the Kharak Singh
case.
On the basis of a dispassionate perusal of the aforementioned judicial rulings, it
is evident that there is an implied, unenumerated, but judicially- evolved and
recognized right to privacy under the Indian Constitution. Although the rulings
of the Supreme Court in the cases of M.P. Sharma and Kharak Singh, already
referred to, denied the existence of any right to privacy, smaller benches in the
cases of Govind, Rajagopaland PUCL unmistakably indicate the existence of
such a right. The shift in judicial interpretation is most notably observed
following the Maneka Gandhi case, wherein this right is recognized, subject to
legal restrictions satisfying the requirements as laid down in the Maneka
Gandhi case. However, if the courts were to address the issue of right to
privacy under Article 21 afresh, there is little doubt that it would conclude that
there does exist a right to privacy. Such a statement will not be valid law unless
stated by a bench of more than six judges so as to effectively overrule Kharak
Singh. On a harmonious interpretation of the legal principles as laid down by
the Supreme Court at different points of time, it is sufficient to conclude the
existence of right to privacy under Part III of the Constitution. The first
principle was stated in Kharak Singh, which said that ‘personal liberty’ used in
the Article 21 is ‘a compendious term to include within itself all varieties of
rights which go to make up the personal liberty of man other than those
dealtwith in several clauses of Article 19(1).’ The second and third principles
were laid down in ManekaGandhi, which stated that any law interfering with
‘personal liberty’ must be just, fair and reasonable and that an unnamed right
may be regarded as part of a named fundamental right if it partakes of the same
basic nature and character of the named right Privacy is also a feature of the
dignity of an individual that the preamble to the Constitution assures every
individual. Thus the right is not merely a negative mandate upon the state not to
encroach upon the private space of the individual but is also a positive
affirmation on the state to create adequate institutions that would enable one to
effectively protect his private life. Thus the right to privacy has a strong
constitutional edifice, which could, if clarified by an appropriate Bench of the
Supreme Court, settle this judicial controversy at rest.